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Yale Oriental Series
Researches
Volume IV
Part III
Published from the fund given to the university in memory of Mary
Stevens Hammond
Yale Oriental Series. Researches, Volume IV, 3.
An Old Babylonian Version of the Gilgamesh Epic
On the Basis of Recently Discovered Texts
By
Morris Jastrow Jr., Ph.D., LL.D.
Professor of Semitic Languages, University of Pennsylvania
And
Albert T. Clay, Ph.D., LL.D., Litt.D.
Professor of Assyriology and Babylonian Literature, Yale University
Copyright, 1920, by Yale University Press
In Memory of
William Max Müller
(1863-1919)
Whose life was devoted to Egyptological research
which he greatly enriched
by many contributions
PENNSYLVANIA TABLET
The 240 lines of the six columns of the text are enumerated in
succession, with an indication on the margin where a new column
begins. This method, followed also in the case of the Yale tablet,
seems preferable to Langdon's breaking up of the text into Obverse and
Reverse, with a separate enumeration for each of the six columns. In
order, however, to facilitate a comparison with Langdon's edition,
a table is added:
Obverse Col. I, 1 = Line 1 of our text.
,, I, 5 = ,, 5 ,, ,, ,,
,, I, 10 = ,, 10 ,, ,, ,,
,, I, 15 = ,, 15 ,, ,, ,,
,, I, 20 = ,, 20 ,, ,, ,,
,, I, 25 = ,, 25 ,, ,, ,,
,, I, 30 = ,, 30 ,, ,, ,,
,, I, 35 = ,, 35 ,, ,, ,,
Col. II, 1 = Line 41 ,, ,, ,,
,, II, 5 = ,, 45 ,, ,, ,,
,, II, 10 = ,, 50 ,, ,, ,,
,, II, 15 = ,, 55 ,, ,, ,,
,, II, 20 = ,, 60 ,, ,, ,,
,, II, 25 = ,, 65 ,, ,, ,,
,, II, 30 = ,, 70 ,, ,, ,,
,, II, 35 = ,, 75 ,, ,, ,,
Col. III, 1 = Line 81 ,, ,, ,,
,, III, 5 = ,, 85 ,, ,, ,,
,, III, 10 = ,, 90 ,, ,, ,,
,, III, 15 = ,, 95 ,, ,, ,,
,, III, 26 = ,, 100 ,, ,, ,,
,, III, 25 = ,, 105 ,, ,, ,,
,, III, 30 = ,, 110 ,, ,, ,,
,, III, 35 = ,, 115 ,, ,, ,,
Reverse Col. I, 1 (= Col. IV) = Line 131 of our text.
,, I, 5 = ,, 135 ,, ,, ,,
,, I, 10 = ,, 140 ,, ,, ,,
,, I, 15 = ,, 145 ,, ,, ,,
,, I, 20 = ,, 150 ,, ,, ,,
,, I, 25 = ,, 155 ,, ,, ,,
,, I, 30 = ,, 160 ,, ,, ,,
,, II, 1 (= Col. V) = Line 171 ,, ,, ,,
,, II, 5 = ,, 175 ,, ,, ,,
,, II, 10 = ,, 180 ,, ,, ,,
,, II, 15 = ,, 185 ,, ,, ,,
,, II, 20 = ,, 190 ,, ,, ,,
,, II, 25 = ,, 195 ,, ,, ,,
,, II, 30 = ,, 200 ,, ,, ,,
,, III, 1 (= Col. VI) = Line 208 ,, ,, ,,
,, III, 5 = ,, 212 ,, ,, ,,
,, III, 10 = ,, 217 ,, ,, ,,
,, III, 15 = ,, 222 ,, ,, ,,
,, III, 20 = ,, 227 ,, ,, ,,
,, III, 25 = ,, 232 ,, ,, ,,
,, III, 30 = ,, 237 ,, ,, ,,
,, III, 33 = ,, 240 ,, ,, ,,
PENNSYLVANIA TABLET.
TRANSLITERATION.
Col. I.
it-bi-e-ma dGis sú-na-tam i-pa-ás-sar
iz-za-kàr-am a-na um-mi-sú
um-mi i-na sá-at mu-si-ti-ia
sá-am-ha-ku-ma at-ta-na-al-la-ak
i-na bi-ri-it it-lu-tim
ib-ba-sú-nim-ma ka-ka-bu sá-ma-i
[ki]-is-rù sá A-nim im-ku-ut a-na si-ri-ia
ás-si-sú-ma ik-ta-bi-it e-li-ia
ú-ni-is-sú-ma nu-us-sá-sú ú-ul il-ti-'i
Urukki ma-tum pa-hi-ir e-li-sú
it-lu-tum ú-na-sá-ku si-pi-sú
ú-um-mi-id-ma pu-ti
i-mi-du ia-ti
ás-si-a-sú-ma ab-ba-la-ás-sú a-na si-ri-ki
um-mi dGis mu-di-a-at ka-la-ma
iz-za-kàr-am a-na dGis
mi-in-di dGis sá ki-ma ka-ti
i-na si-ri i-wa-li-id-ma
ú-ra-ab-bi-sú sá-du-ú
ta-mar-sú-ma [kima Sal(?)] ta-ha-du at-ta
it-lu-tum ú-na-sá-ku si-pi-sú
tí-it-ti-ra-ás-[sú tu-ut]-tu-ú-ma
ta-tar-ra-[as-su] a-na si-[ri]-ia
[us]-ti-nim-ma i-ta-mar sá-ni-tam
[sú-na]-ta i-ta-wa-a-am a-na um-mi-sú
[um-mi] a-ta-mar sá-ni-tam
[sú-na-tu a-ta]-mar e-mi-a i-na su-ki-im
[sá Uruk]ki ri-bi-tim
ha-as-si-nu na-di-i-ma
e-li-sú pa-ah-ru
ha-as-si-nu-um-ma sá-ni bu-nu-sú
a-mur-sú-ma ah-ta-du a-na-ku
a-ra-am-sú-ma ki-ma ás-sá-tim
a-ha-ab-bu-ub el-sú
el-ki-sú-ma ás-ta-ka-an-sú
a-na a-hi-ia
um-mi dGis mu-da-at [ka]-la-ma
[iz-za-kàr-am a-na dGis]
[dGis sá ta-mu-ru amêlu]
[ta-ha-ab-bu-ub ki-ma ás-sá-tim el-sú]
Col. II.
ás-sum us-[ta]-ma-ha-ru it-ti-ka
dGis sú-na-tam i-pa-sar
dEn-ki-[du wa]-si-ib ma-har ha-ri-im-tim
ur-[sá ir]-ha-mu di-da-sá(?) ip-tí-[e]
[dEn-ki]-du im-ta-si a-sar i-wa-al-du
ûm, 6 ù 7 mu-si-a-tim
dEn-[ki-du] ti-bi-i-ma
sá-[am-ka-ta] ir-hi
ha-[ri-im-tum pa-a]-sá i-pu-sá-am-ma
iz-za-[kàr-am] a-na dEn-ki-du
a-na-tal-ka dEn-ki-du ki-ma ili ta-ba-ás-si
am-mi-nim it-ti na-ma-ás-te-e
ta-at-ta-[na-al]-ak si-ra-am
al-kam lu-úr-di-ka
a-na libbi [Urukki] ri-bi-tim
a-na bît [el]-lim mu-sá-bi sá A-nim
dEn-ki-du ti-bi lu-ru-ka
a-na Ê-[an]-na mu-sá-bi sá A-nim
a-sar [dGis gi]-it-ma-[lu] ne-pi-si-tim
ù at-[ta] ki-[ma Sal ta-ha]-bu-[ub]-sú
ta-[ra-am-sú ki-ma] ra-ma-an-ka
al-ka ti-ba i-[na] ga-ag-ga-ri
ma-a-ag-ri-i-im
is-me a-wa-as-sa im-ta-har ga-ba-sá
mi-il-[kum] sá assatim
im-ta-ku-ut a-na libbi-sú
is-hu-ut li-ib-sá-am
is-ti-nam ú-la-ab-bi-is-sú
li-ib-[sá-am] sá-ni-a-am
si-i it-ta-al-ba-ás
sa-ab-tat ga-as-su
ki-ma [ili] i-ri-id-di-sú
a-na gu-up-ri sá-ri-i-im
a-sar tar-ba-si-im
i-na [ás]-ri-sú [im]-hu-ruri-ia-ú
[ù sú-u dEn-ki-du i-lit-ta-sú sá-du-um-ma]
[it-ti sabâti-ma ik-ka-la sam-ma]
[it-ti bu-lim mas-ka-a i-sat-ti]
[it-ti na-ma-ás-te-e mê i-tab lib-ba-sú]
(Perhaps one additional line missing.)
Col. III.
si-iz-ba sá na-ma-ás-te-e
i-te-en-ni-ik
a-ka-lam is-ku-nu ma-har-sú
ib-tí-ik-ma i-na-at-tal
ù ip-pa-al-la-as
ú-ul i-di dEn-ki-du
aklam a-na a-ka-lim
sikaram a-na sá-te-e-im
la-a lum-mu-ud
ha-ri-im-tum pi-sá i-pu-sá-am-ma
iz-za-kàr-am a-na dEn-ki-du
a-ku-ul ak-lam dEn-ki-du
zi-ma-at ba-la-ti-im
sikaram si-ti si-im-ti ma-ti
i-ku-ul a-ak-lam dEn-ki-du
a-di si-bi-e-sú
sikaram is-ti-a-am
7 as-sa-am-mi-im
it-tap-sar kab-ta-tum i-na-an-gu
i-li-is libba-sú-ma
pa-nu-sú [it]-tam-ru
ul-tap-pi-it [lùSÚ]-I
sú-hu-ra-am pa-ga-ar-sú
sá-am-nam ip-ta-sá-ás-ma
a-we-li-is i-we
il-ba-ás li-ib-sá-am
ki-ma mu-ti i-ba-ás-si
il-ki ka-ak-ka-sú
la-bi ú-gi-ir-ri
us-sa-ak-pu re'ûti mu-si-a-tim
ut-tap-pi-is sib-ba-ri
la-bi uk-ta-si-id
it-ti-[lu] na-ki-[di-e] ra-bu-tum
dEn-ki-du ma-as-sa-ar-sú-nu
a-we-lum gis-ru-um
is-te-en it-lum
a-na [na-ki-di-e(?) i]-za-ak-ki-ir
(About five lines missing.)
Col. IV.
(About eight lines missing.)
i-ip-pu-us ul-sa-am
is-si-ma i-ni-i-sú
i-ta-mar a-we-lam
iz-za-kàr-am a-na harimtim
sá-am-ka-at uk-ki-si a-we-lam
a-na mi-nim il-li-kam
zi-ki-ir-sú lu-us-sú
ha-ri-im-tum is-ta-si a-we-lam
i-ba-us-su-um-ma i-ta-mar-sú
e-di-il e-es ta-hi-[il-la]-am
lim-nu a-la-ku ma-na-ah-[ti]-ka
e-pi-sú i-pu-sá-am-ma
iz-za-kàr-am a-na dEn-[ki-du]
bi-ti-is e-mu-tim ik ......
si-ma-a-at ni-si-i-ma
tu-a-(?)-ar e-lu-tim
a-na âli(?) dup-sak-ki-i e-si-en
uk-la-at âli(?) e-mi-sa a-a-ha-tim
a-na sarri sá Urukki ri-bi-tim
pi-ti pu-uk episi(-si) a-na ha-a-a-ri
a-na dGis sarri sá Urukki ri-bi-tim
pi-ti pu-uk episi(-si)
a-na ha-a-a-ri
ás-sa-at si-ma-tim i-ra-ah-hi
sú-ú pa-na-nu-um-ma
mu-uk wa-ar-ka-nu
i-na mi-il-ki sá ili ga-bi-ma
i-na bi-ti-ik a-bu-un-na-ti-sú
si-ma-as-su
a-na zi-ik-ri it-li-im
i-ri-ku pa-nu-sú
(About three lines missing.)
Col. V.
(About six lines missing.)
i-il-la-ak [dEn-ki-du i-na pa-ni]
u-sá-am-ka-at [wa]-ar-ki-sú
i-ru-ub-ma a-na libbi Urukki ri-bi-tim
ip-hur um-ma-nu-um i-na si-ri-sú
iz-zi-za-am-ma i-na su-ki-im
sá Urukki ri-bi-tim
pa-ah-ra-a-ma ni-sú
i-ta-wa-a i-na si-ri-sú
a-na salam dGis ma-si-il pi-it-tam
la-nam sá-pi-il
si-ma .... [sá-ki-i pu]-uk-ku-ul
............. i-pa-ka-du
i-[na mâti da-an e-mu]-ki i-wa
si-iz-ba sá na-ma-as-te-e
i-te-en-ni-ik
ka-a-a-na i-na [libbi] Urukki kak-ki-a-tum
it-lu-tum ú-te-el-li-lu
sá-ki-in ur-sá-nu
a-na itli sá i-sá-ru zi-mu-sú
a-na dGis ki-ma i-li-im
sá-ki-is-sum me-ih-rù
a-na dIs-ha-ra ma-a-a-lum
na-di-i-ma
dGis it-[ti-il-ma wa-ar-ka-tim]
i-na mu-si in-ni-[ib-bi]-it
i-na-ag-sá-am-ma
it-ta-[zi-iz dEn-ki-du] i-na sûkim
ip-ta-ra-[as a-la]-ak-tam
sá dGis
[a-na e-pi-is] da-na-ni-is-sú
(About three lines missing.)
Col. VI.
(About four lines missing.)
sar(?)-ha
dGis ...
i-na si-ri-[sú il-li-ka-am dEn-ki-du]
i-ha-an-ni-ib [pi-ir-ta-sú]
it-bi-ma [il-li-ik]
a-na pa-ni-sú
it-tam-ha-ru i-na ri-bi-tum ma-ti
dEn-ki-du ba-ba-am ip-ta-ri-ik
i-na si-pi-sú
dGis e-ri-ba-am ú-ul id-di-in
is-sa-ab-tu-ma ki-ma li-i-im
i-lu-du
zi-ip-pa-am 'i-bu-tu
i-ga-rum ir-tu-tu
dGis ù dEn-ki-du
is-sa-ab-tu-ú-ma
ki-ma li-i-im i-lu-du
zi-ip-pa-am 'i-bu-tu
i-ga-rum ir-tu-tú
ik-mi-is-ma dGis
i-na ga-ag-ga-ri si-ip-sú
ip-si-ih uz-za-sú-ma
i-ni-ih i-ra-as-su
is-tu i-ra-su i-ni-hu
dEn-ki-du a-na sá-si-im
iz-za-kàr-am a-na dGis
ki-ma is-te-en-ma um-ma-ka
ú-li-id-ka
ri-im-tum sá su-pu-ri
dNin-sun-na
ul-lu e-li mu-ti ri-es-ka
sar-ru-tú sá ni-si
i-si-im-kum dEn-lil
duppu 2 kam-ma
sú-tu-ur e-li .....................
4 sú-si
TRANSLATION.
Col. I.
Gish sought to interpret the dream;
Spoke to his mother:
"My mother, during my night
I became strong and moved about
among the heroes;
And from the starry heaven
A meteor(?) of Anu fell upon me:
I bore it and it grew heavy upon me,
I became weak and its weight I could not endure.
The land of Erech gathered about it.
The heroes kissed its feet. [142]
It was raised up before me.
They stood me up. [143]
I bore it and carried it to thee."
The mother of Gish, who knows all things,
Spoke to Gish:
"Some one, O Gish, who like thee
In the field was born and
Whom the mountain has reared,
Thou wilt see (him) and [like a woman(?)] thou wilt rejoice.
Heroes will kiss his feet.
Thou wilt spare [him and wilt endeavor]
To lead him to me."
He slept and saw another
Dream, which he reported to his mother:
["My mother,] I have seen another
[Dream.] My likeness I have seen in the streets
[Of Erech] of the plazas.
An axe was brandished, and
They gathered about him;
And the axe made him angry.
I saw him and I rejoiced,
I loved him as a woman,
I embraced him.
I took him and regarded him
As my brother."
The mother of Gish, who knows all things,
[Spoke to Gish]:
["O Gish, the man whom thou sawest,]
[Whom thou didst embrace like a woman].
Col II.
(means) that he is to be associated with thee."
Gish understood the dream.
[As] Enki[du] was sitting before the woman,
[Her] loins(?) he embraced, her vagina(?) he opened.
[Enkidu] forgot the place where he was born.
Six days and seven nights
Enkidu continued
To cohabit with [the courtesan].
[The woman] opened her [mouth] and
Spoke to Enkidu:
"I gaze upon thee, O Enkidu, like a god art thou!
Why with the cattle
Dost thou [roam] across the field?
Come, let me lead thee
into [Erech] of the plazas,
to the holy house, the dwelling of Anu,
O, Enkidu arise, let me conduct thee
To Eanna, the dwelling of Anu,
The place [where Gish is, perfect] in vitality.
And thou [like a wife wilt embrace] him.
Thou [wilt love him like] thyself.
Come, arise from the ground
(that is) cursed."
He heard her word and accepted her speech.
The counsel of the woman
Entered his heart.
She stripped off a garment,
Clothed him with one.
Another garment
She kept on herself.
She took hold of his hand.
Like [a god(?)] she brought him
To the fertile meadow,
The place of the sheepfolds.
In that place they received food;
[For he, Enkidu, whose birthplace was the mountain,]
[With the gazelles he was accustomed to eat herbs,]
[With the cattle to drink water,]
[With the water beings he was happy.]
(Perhaps one additional line missing.)
Col. III.
Milk of the cattle
He was accustomed to suck.
Food they placed before him,
He broke (it) off and looked
And gazed.
Enkidu had not known
To eat food.
To drink wine
He had not been taught.
The woman opened her mouth and
Spoke to Enkidu:
"Eat food, O Enkidu,
The provender of life!
Drink wine, the custom of the land!"
Enkidu ate food
Till he was satiated.
Wine he drank,
Seven goblets.
His spirit was loosened, he became hilarious.
His heart became glad and
His face shone.
[The barber(?)] removed
The hair on his body.
He was anointed with oil.
He became manlike.
He put on a garment,
He was like a man.
He took his weapon;
Lions he attacked,
(so that) the night shepherds could rest.
He plunged the dagger;
Lions he overcame.
The great [shepherds] lay down;
Enkidu was their protector.
The strong man,
The unique hero,
To [the shepherds(?)] he speaks:
(About five lines missing.)
Col. IV.
(About eight lines missing.)
Making merry.
He lifted up his eyes,
He sees the man.
He spoke to the woman:
"O, courtesan, lure on the man.
Why has he come to me?
His name I will destroy."
The woman called to the man
Who approaches to him [144] and he beholds him.
"Away! why dost thou [quake(?)]
Evil is the course of thy activity." [145]
Then he [146] opened his mouth and
Spoke to Enkidu:
"[To have (?)] a family home
Is the destiny of men, and
The prerogative(?) of the nobles.
For the city(?) load the workbaskets!
Food supply for the city lay to one side!
For the King of Erech of the plazas,
Open the hymen(?), perform the marriage act!
For Gish, the King of Erech of the plazas,
Open the hymen(?),
Perform the marriage act!
With the legitimate wife one should cohabit.
So before,
As well as in the future. [147]
By the decree pronounced by a god,
From the cutting of his umbilical cord
(Such) is his fate."
At the speech of the hero
His face grew pale.
(About three lines missing.)
Col. V.
(About six lines missing.)
[Enkidu] went [in front],
And the courtesan behind him.
He entered into Erech of the plazas.
The people gathered about him.
As he stood in the streets
Of Erech of the plazas,
The men gathered,
Saying in regard to him:
"Like the form of Gish he has suddenly become;
shorter in stature.
[In his structure high(?)], powerful,
.......... overseeing(?)
In the land strong of power has he become.
Milk of cattle
He was accustomed to suck."
Steadily(?) in Erech .....
The heroes rejoiced.
He became a leader.
To the hero of fine appearance,
To Gish, like a god,
He became a rival to him. [148]
For Ishhara a couch
Was stretched, and
Gish [lay down, and afterwards(?)]
In the night he fled.
He approaches and
[Enkidu stood] in the streets.
He blocked the path
of Gish.
At the exhibit of his power,
(About three lines missing.)
Col. VI.
(About four lines missing.)
Strong(?) ...
Gish
Against him [Enkidu proceeded],
[His hair] luxuriant.
He started [to go]
Towards him.
They met in the plaza of the district.
Enkidu blocked the gate
With his foot,
Not permitting Gish to enter.
They seized (each other), like oxen,
They fought.
The threshold they demolished;
The wall they impaired.
Gish and Enkidu
Seized (each other).
Like oxen they fought.
The threshold they demolished;
The wall they impaired.
Gish bent
His foot to the ground, [149]
His wrath was appeased,
His breast was quieted.
When his breast was quieted,
Enkidu to him
Spoke, to Gish:
"As a unique one, thy mother
bore thee.
The wild cow of the stall, [150]
Ninsun,
Has exalted thy head above men.
Kingship over men
Enlil has decreed for thee.
Second tablet,
enlarged beyond [the original(?)].
240 lines.
COMMENTARY ON THE PENNSYLVANIA TABLET.
Line 1. The verb _tibû_ with _pasâru_ expresses the aim of Gish to
secure an interpretation for his dream. This disposes of Langdon's
note 1 on page 211 of his edition, in which he also erroneously speaks
of our text as "late." _Pasâru_ is not a variant of _zakâru_. Both
verbs occur just as here in the Assyrian version I, 5, 25.
Line 3. _ina sât musitia_, "in this my night," i.e., in the course of
this night of mine. A curious way of putting it, but the expression
occurs also in the Assyrian version, e.g., I, 5, 26 (parallel passage
to ours) and II, 4a, 14. In the Yale tablet we find, similarly,
_mu-si-it-ka_ (l. 262), "thy night," i.e., "at night to thee."
Line 5. Before Langdon put down the strange statement of Gish
"wandering about in the midst of omens" (misreading _id-da-tim _
for _it-lu-tim_), he might have asked himself the question, what it
could possibly mean. How can one walk among omens?
Line 6. _ka-ka-bu sá-ma-i_ must be taken as a compound term for
"starry heaven." The parallel passage in the Assyrian version (Tablet
I, 5, 27) has the ideograph for star, with the plural sign as a
variant. Literally, therefore, "The starry heaven (or "the stars in
heaven") was there," etc. Langdon's note 2 on page 211 rests on an
erroneous reading.
Line 7. _kisru sá Anim_, "mass of Anu," appears to be the designation
of a meteor, which might well be described as a "mass" coming from Anu,
i.e., from the god of heaven who becomes the personification of the
heavens in general. In the Assyrian version (I, 5, 28) we have _kima
ki-is-rù_, i.e., "something like a mass of heaven." Note also I, 3,
16, where in a description of Gilgamesh, his strength is said to be
"strong like a mass (i.e., a meteor) of heaven."
Line 9. For _nussasu ûl iltê_ we have a parallel in the Hebrew phrase
NLE'ETIY NS' (Isaiah 1, 14).
Line 10. _Uruk mâtum_, as the designation for the district of Erech,
occurs in the Assyrian version, e.g., I, 5, 31, and IV, 2, 38; also
to be supplied, I, 6, 23.
For _pahir_ the parallel in the Assyrian version has _iz-za-az_
(I, 5, 31), but VI, 197, we find _pah-ru_ and _pah-ra_.
Line 17. _mi-in-di_ does not mean "truly" as Langdon translates,
but "some one." It occurs also in the Assyrian version X, 1, 13,
_mi-in-di-e ma-an-nu-u_, "this is some one who," etc.
Line 18. Cf. Assyrian version I, 5, 3, and IV, 4, 7, _ina siri
âlid_--both passages referring to Enkidu.
Line 21. Cf. Assyrian version II, 3b, 38, with _malkê_, "kings,"
as a synonym of _itlutum_.
Line 23. _ta-tar-ra-as-sú_ from _tarâsu_, "direct," "guide," etc.
Line 24. I take _us-ti-nim-ma_ as III, 2, from _isênu_ (YOSEN),
the verb underlying _sittu_, "sleep," and _suttu_, "dream."
Line 26. Cf. Assyrian version I, 6, 21--a complete parallel.
Line 28. _Uruk ri-bi-tim_, the standing phrase in both tablets of
the old Babylonian version, for which in the Assyrian version we
have _Uruk su-pu-ri_. The former term suggests the "broad space"
outside of the city or the "common" in a village community,
while _supûri_, "enclosed," would refer to the city within the
walls. Dr. W. F. Albright (in a private communication) suggests "Erech
of the plazas" as a suitable translation for _Uruk ribîtim_. A third
term, _Uruk mâtum_ (see above, note to line 10), though designating
rather the district of which Erech was the capital, appears to be
used as a synonym to _Uruk ribîtim_, as may be concluded from the
phrase _i-na ri-bi-tum ma-ti_ (l. 214 of the Pennsylvania tablet),
which clearly means the "plaza" of the city. One naturally thinks of
REHOBOT `IYR in Genesis 10, 11--the equivalent of Babylonian _ri-bi-tu
âli_--which can hardly be the name of a city. It appears to be a
gloss, as is HIY' HO`IYR HAGEDOLOH at the end of v. 12. The latter
gloss is misplaced, since it clearly describes "Nineveh," mentioned
in v. 11. Inasmuch as REHOBOT `IYR immediately follows the mention
of Nineveh, it seems simplest to take the phrase as designating the
"outside" or "suburbs" of the city, a complete parallel, therefore,
to _ri-bi-tu mâti_ in our text. Nineveh, together with the "suburbs,"
forms the "great city." _Uruk ribîtim_ is, therefore, a designation
for "greater Erech," proper to a capital city, which by its gradual
growth would take in more than its original confines. "Erech of the
plazas" must have come to be used as a honorific designation of this
important center as early as 2000 B. C., whereas later, perhaps
because of its decline, the epithet no longer seemed appropriate
and was replaced by the more modest designation of "walled Erech,"
with an allusion to the tradition which ascribed the building of the
wall of the city to Gilgamesh. At all events, all three expressions,
"Erech of the plazas," "Erech walled" and "Erech land," are to be
regarded as synonymous. The position once held by Erech follows also
from its ideographic designation (Brünnow No. 4796) by the sign "house"
with a "gunufied" extension, which conveys the idea of Unu = _subtu_,
or "dwelling" _par excellence_. The pronunciation Unug or Unuk (see
the gloss _u-nu-uk_, VR 23, 8a), composed of _unu_, "dwelling," and
_ki_, "place," is hardly to be regarded as older than Uruk, which is
to be resolved into _uru_, "city," and _ki_, "place," but rather as
a play upon the name, both Unu + ki and Uru + ki conveying the same
idea of _the_ city or _the_ dwelling place _par excellence_. As the
seat of the second oldest dynasty according to Babylonian traditions
(see Poebel's list in _Historical and Grammatical Texts_ No. 2),
Erech no doubt was regarded as having been at one time "the city,"
i.e., the capital of the entire Euphrates Valley.
Line 31. A difficult line for which Langdon proposes the translation:
"Another axe seemed his visage"!!--which may be picturesque, but
hardly a description befitting a hero. How can a man's face seem
to be an axe? Langdon attaches _sá-ni_ in the sense of "second"
to the preceding word "axe," whereas _sanî bunusu_, "change of his
countenance" or "his countenance being changed," is to be taken as
a phrase to convey the idea of "being disturbed," "displeased" or
"angry." The phrase is of the same kind as the well-known _sunnu
têmu_, "changing of reason," to denote "insanity." See the passages
in Muss-Arnolt, _Assyrian Dictionary_, pp. 355 and 1068. In Hebrew,
too, we have the same two phrases, e.g., VAYESANOV 'ETTA`EMOV
(I Sam. 21, 14 = Ps. 34, 1), "and he changed his reason," i.e.,
feigned insanity and MESANEH PONOYV (Job 14, 20), "changing his
face," to indicate a radical alteration in the frame of mind. There
is a still closer parallel in Biblical Aramaic: Dan. 3, 19, "The form
of his visage was changed," meaning "he was enraged." Fortunately,
the same phrase occurs also in the Yale tablet (l. 192), _sá-nu-ú
bu-nu-sú_, in a connection which leaves no doubt that the aroused
fury of the tyrant Huwawa is described by it:
"Huwawa heard and his face was changed"
precisely, therefore, as we should say--following Biblical usage--"his
countenance fell." Cf. also the phrase _pânusu arpu_, "his countenance
was darkened" (Assyrian version I, 2, 48), to express "anger." The
line, therefore, in the Pennsylvania tablet must describe Enkidu's
anger. With the brandishing of the axe the hero's anger was also
stirred up. The touch was added to prepare us for the continuation
in which Gish describes how, despite this (or perhaps just because
of it), Enkidu seemed so attractive that Gish instantly fell in love
with him. May perhaps the emphatic form _hasinumma_ (line 31) against
_hasinu_ (line 29) have been used to indicate "The axe it was," or
"because of the axe?" It would be worth while to examine other texts
of the Hammurabi period with a view of determining the scope in the
use and meaning of the emphatic _ma_ when added to a substantive.
Line 32. The combination _amur ù ahtadu_ occurs also in the El-Amarna
Letters, No. 18, 12.
Line 34. In view of the common Hebrew, Syriac and Arabic Hobab "to
love," it seems preferable to read here, as in the other passages in
the Assyrian versions (I, 4, 15; 4, 35; 6, 27, etc.), _a-ha-ab-bu-ub_,
_ah-bu-ub_, _ih-bu-bu_, etc. (instead of with _p_), and to render
"embrace."
Lines 38-40, completing the column, may be supplied from the Assyrian
version I, 6, 30-32, in conjunction with lines 33-34 of our text. The
beginning of line 32 in Jensen's version is therefore to be filled
out _[ta-ra-am-sú ki]-i_.
Line 43. The restoration at the beginning of this line
_En-ki-[du wa]-si-ib ma-har ha-ri-im-tim_
enables us to restore also the beginning of the second tablet of
the Assyrian version (cf. the colophon of the fragment 81, 7-27, 93,
in Jeremias, _Izdubar-Nimrod_, plate IV = Jensen, p. 134),
_[d_En-ki-du wa-si-ib] ma-har-sá.
Line 44. The restoration of this line is largely conjectural, based
on the supposition that its contents correspond in a general way to I,
4, 16, of the Assyrian version. The reading _di-da_ is quite certain,
as is also _ip-ti-[e]_; and since both words occur in the line of the
Assyrian version in question, it is tempting to supply at the beginning
_ur-[sá]_ = "her loins" (cf. Holma, _Namen der Körperteile_, etc.,
p. 101), which is likewise found in the same line of the Assyrian
version. At all events the line describes the fascination exercised
upon Enkidu by the woman's bodily charms, which make him forget
everything else.
Lines 46-47 form a parallel to I, 4, 21, of the Assyrian version. The
form _samkatu_, "courtesan," is constant in the old Babylonian version
(ll. 135 and 172), as against _samhatu_ in the Assyrian version (I,
3, 19, 40, 45; 4, 16), which also uses the plural _sam-ha-a-ti_ (II,
3b, 40). The interchange between _h_ and _k_ is not without precedent
(cf. Meissner, _Altbabylonisches Privatrecht_, page 107, note 2,
and more particularly Chiera, _List of Personal Names_, page 37).
In view of the evidence, set forth in the Introduction, for the
assumption that the Enkidu story has been combined with a tale of the
evolution of primitive man to civilized life, it is reasonable to
suggest that in the original Enkidu story the female companion was
called _samkatu_, "courtesan," whereas in the tale of the primitive
man, which was transferred to Enkidu, the associate was _harimtu_, a
"woman," just as in the Genesis tale, the companion of Adam is simply
called _ishshâ_, "woman." Note that in the Assyrian parallel (Tablet I,
4, 26) we have two readings, _ir-hi_ (imperf.) and a variant _i-ri-hi_
(present). The former is the better reading, as our tablet shows.
Lines 49-59 run parallel to the Assyrian version I, 4, 33-38,
with slight variations which have been discussed above, p. 58, and
from which we may conclude that the Assyrian version represents an
independent redaction. Since in our tablet we have presumably the
repetition of what may have been in part at least set forth in the
first tablet of the old Babylonian version, we must not press the
parallelism with the first tablet of the Assyrian version too far;
but it is noticeable nevertheless (1) that our tablet contains lines
57-58 which are not represented in the Assyrian version, and (2) that
the second speech of the "woman" beginning, line 62, with _al-ka_,
"come" (just as the first speech, line 54), is likewise not found
in the first tablet of the Assyrian version; which on the other
hand contains a line (39) not in the Babylonian version, besides
the detailed answer of Enkidu (I 4, 42-5, 5). Line 6, which reads
"Enkidu and the woman went (_il-li-ku_) to walled Erech," is also
not found in the second tablet of the old Babylonian version.
Line 63. For _magrû_, "accursed," see the frequent use in Astrological
texts (Jastrow, _Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens_ II, page 450, note
2). Langdon, by his strange error in separating _ma-a-ag-ri-im_ into
two words _ma-a-ak_ and _ri-i-im_, with a still stranger rendering:
"unto the place yonder of the shepherds!!", naturally misses the
point of this important speech.
Line 64 corresponds to I, 4, 40, of the Assyrian version, which has
an additional line, leading to the answer of Enkidu. From here on,
our tablet furnishes material not represented in the Assyrian version,
but which was no doubt included in the second tablet of that version
of which we have only a few fragments.
Line 70 must be interpreted as indicating that the woman kept one
garment for herself. _Ittalbas_ would accordingly mean, "she kept
on." The female dress appears to have consisted of an upper and a
lower garment.
Line 72. The restoration "like a god" is favored by line 51, where
Enkidu is likened to a god, and is further confirmed by l. 190.
Line 73. _gupru_ is identical with _gu-up-ri_ (Thompson, _Reports of
the Magicians and Astrologers_, etc., 223 rev. 2 and 223a rev. 8), and
must be correlated to _gipâru_ (Muss-Arnolt, _Assyrian Dictionary_,
p. 229a), "planted field," "meadow," and the like. Thompson's
translation "men" (as though a synonym of _gabru_) is to be corrected
accordingly.
Line 74. There is nothing missing between _a-sar_ and _tar-ba-si-im_.
Line 75. _ri-ia-ú_, which Langdon renders "shepherd," is the
equivalent of the Arabic _ri'y_ and Hebrew RE`IY "pasturage,"
"fodder." We have usually the feminine form _ri-i-tu_ (Muss-Arnolt,
_Assyrian Dictionary_, p. 990b). The break at the end of the second
column is not serious. Evidently Enkidu, still accustomed to live
like an animal, is first led to the sheepfolds, and this suggests
a repetition of the description of his former life. Of the four or
five lines missing, we may conjecturally restore four, on the basis
of the Assyrian version, Tablet I, 4, 2-5, or I, 2, 39-41. This would
then join on well to the beginning of column 3.
Line 81. Both here and in l. 52 our text has _na-ma-ás-te-e_, as
against _nam-mas-si-i_ in the Assyrian version, e.g., Tablet I,
2, 41; 4, 5, etc.,--the feminine form, therefore, as against the
masculine. Langdon's note 3 on page 213 is misleading. In astrological
texts we also find _nam-mas-te_; e.g., Thompson, _Reports of the
Magicians and Astrologers_, etc., No. 200, Obv. 2.
Line 93. _zi-ma-at_ (for _simat_) _ba-la-ti-im_ is not "conformity of
life" as Langdon renders, but that which "belongs to life" like _si-mat
pag-ri-sá_, "belonging to her body," in the Assyrian version III, 2a,
3 (Jensen, page 146). "Food," says the woman, "is the staff of life."
Line 94. Langdon's strange rendering "of the conditions and fate
of the land" rests upon an erroneous reading (see the corrections,
Appendix I), which is the more inexcusable because in line 97 the same
ideogram, Kàs = _sikaru_, "wine," occurs, and is correctly rendered
by him. _Simti mâti_ is not the "fate of the land," but the "fixed
custom of the land."
Line 98. _as-sa-mi-im_ (plural of _assamu_), which Langdon takes as
an adverb in the sense of "times," is a well-known word for a large
"goblet," which occurs in Incantation texts, e.g., _CT_ XVI, 24,
obv. 1, 19, _mê a-sa-am-mi-e sú-puk_, "pour out goblets of water." Line
18 of the passage shoves that _asammu_ is a Sumerian loan word.
Line 99. _it-tap-sar_, I, 2, from _pasâru_, "loosen." In combination
with _kabtatum_ (from _kabitatum_, yielding two forms: _kabtatum_, by
elision of _i_, and _kabittu_, by elision of _a_), "liver," _pasâru_
has the force of becoming cheerful. Cf. _ka-bit-ta-ki lip-pa-sir_
(_ZA_ V., p. 67, line 14).
Line 100, note the customary combination of "liver" (_kabtatum_)
and "heart" (_libbu_) for "disposition" and "mind," just as in the
standing phrase in penitential prayers: "May thy liver be appeased,
thy heart be quieted."
Line 102. The restoration [lùSÚ]-I = _gallabu_ "barber" (Delitzsch,
_Sumer. Glossar_, p. 267) was suggested to me by Dr. H. F. Lutz. The
ideographic writing "raising the hand" is interesting as recalling the
gesture of shaving or cutting. Cf. a reference to a barber in Lutz,
_Early Babylonian Letters from Larsa_, No. 109, 6.
Line 103. Langdon has correctly rendered _suhuru_ as "hair," and
has seen that we have here a loan-word from the Sumerian Suhur =
_kimmatu_, "hair," according to the Syllabary Sb 357 (cf. Delitzsch,
_Sumer. Glossar._, p. 253). For _kimmatu_, "hair," more specifically
hair of the head and face, see Holma, _Namen der Körperteile_,
page 3. The same sign Suhur or Suh (Brünnow No. 8615), with Lal,
i.e., "hanging hair," designates the "beard" (_ziknu_, cf. Brünnow,
No. 8620, and Holma, l. c., p. 36), and it is interesting to note
that we have _suhuru_ (introduced as a loan-word) for the barbershop,
according to II R, 21, 27c (= _CT_ XII, 41).
Ê suhur(ra) (i.e., house of the hair) = _sú-hu-ru_.
In view of all this, we may regard as assured Holma's conjecture to
read _sú-[hur-ma-sú]_ in the list 93074 obv. (_MVAG_ 1904, p. 203; and
Holma, _Beiträge z. Assyr. Lexikon_, p. 36), as the Akkadian equivalent
to Suhur-Mas-Ha and the name of a fish, so called because it appeared
to have a double "beard" (cf. Holma, _Namen der Körperteile_). One is
tempted, furthermore, to see in the difficult word SKYRH (Isaiah 7,
20) a loan-word from our _suhuru_, and to take the words 'ETHORO'S
VESA`AR HORAGELAYIM "the head and hair of the feet" (euphemistic
for the hair around the privates), as an explanatory gloss to the rare
word Skyrh for "hair" of the body in general--just as in the passage
in the Pennsylvania tablet. The verse in Isaiah would then read,
"The Lord on that day will shave with the razor the hair (HSKYRH),
and even the beard will be removed." The rest of the verse would
represent a series of explanatory glosses: (a) "Beyond the river"
(i.e., Assyria), a gloss to YEGALAH (b) "with the king of Assyria,"
a gloss to BETA`AR "with a razor;" and (c) "the hair of the head and
hair of the feet," a gloss to HSKYRH. For "hair of the feet" we have an
interesting equivalent in Babylonian _su-hur_ (and _sú-hu-ur_) _sêpi_
(_CT_ XII, 41, 23-24 c-d). Cf. also Boissier, _Documents Assyriens
relatifs aux Présages_, p. 258, 4-5. The Babylonian phrase is like the
Hebrew one to be interpreted as a euphemism for the hair around the
male or female organ. To be sure, the change from H to K in HSKYRH
constitutes an objection, but not a serious one in the case of a
loan-word, which would aim to give the _pronunciation_ of the original
word, rather than the correct etymological equivalent. The writing with
aspirated K fulfills this condition. (Cf. _samkatum_ and _samhatum_,
above p. 73). The passage in Isaiah being a reference to Assyria,
the prophet might be tempted to use a foreign word to make his point
more emphatic. To take HSKYRH as "hired," as has hitherto been done,
and to translate "with a hired razor," is not only to suppose a very
wooden metaphor, but is grammatically difficult, since HSKYRH would
be a feminine adjective attached to a masculine substantive.
Coming back to our passage in the Pennsylvania tablet, it is to be
noted that Enkidu is described as covered "all over his body with hair"
(Assyrian version, Tablet I, 2, 36) like an animal. To convert him
into a civilized man, the hair is removed.
Line 107. _mutu_ does not mean "husband" here, as Langdon supposes,
but must be taken as in l. 238 in the more general sense of "man,"
for which there is good evidence.
Line 109. _la-bi_ (plural form) are "lions"--not "panthers" as Langdon
has it. The verb _ú-gi-ir-ri_ is from _gâru_, "to attack." Langdon by
separating _ú_ from _gi-ir-ri_ gets a totally wrong and indeed absurd
meaning. See the corrections in the Appendix. He takes the sign _ú_
for the copula (!!) which of course is impossible.
Line 110. Read _us-sa-ak-pu_, III, 1, of _sakâpu_, which is frequently
used for "lying down" and is in fact a synonym of _salâlu_. See
Muss-Arnolt, _Assyrian Dictionary_, page 758a. The original has very
clearly Síb (= _rê'u_, "shepherd") with the plural sign. The "shepherds
of the night," who could now rest since Enkidu had killed the lions,
are of course the shepherds who were accustomed to watch the flocks
during the night.
Line 111. _ut-tap-pi-is_ is II, 2, _napâsu_, "to make a hole," hence
"to plunge" in connection with a weapon. _Sib-ba-ri_ is, of course,
not "mountain goats," as Langdon renders, but a by-form to _sibbiru_,
"stick," and designates some special weapon. Since on seal cylinders
depicting Enkidu killing lions and other animals the hero is armed
with a dagger, this is presumably the weapon _sibbaru_.
Line 113. Langdon's translation is again out of the question and
purely fanciful. The traces favor the restoration _na-ki-[di-e]_,
"shepherds," and since the line appears to be a parallel to line 110,
I venture to suggest at the beginning _[it-ti]-lu_ from _na'âlu_, "lie
down"--a synonym, therefore, to _sakâpu_ in line 110. The shepherds can
sleep quietly after Enkidu has become the "guardian" of the flocks. In
the Assyrian version (tablet II, 3a, 4) Enkidu is called a _na-kid_,
"shepherd," and in the preceding line we likewise have lùNa-Kid with
the plural sign, i.e., "shepherds." This would point to _nakidu_
being a Sumerian loan-word, unless it is _vice versa_, a word that has
gone over into the Sumerian from Akkadian. Is perhaps the fragment
in question (K 8574) in the Assyrian version (Haupt's ed. No. 25)
the _parallel_ to our passage? If in line 4 of this fragment we could
read _sú_ for _sa_, i.e., _na-kid-sú-nu_, "their shepherd, we would
have a parallel to line 114 of the Pennsylvania tablet, with _na-kid_
as a synonym to _massaru_, "protector." The preceding line would then
be completed as follows:
_[it-ti-lu]-nim-ma na-kidmes_ [ra-bu-tum]
(or perhaps only _it-ti-lu-ma_, since the _nim_ is not certain) and
would correspond to line 113 of the Pennsylvania tablet. Inasmuch
as the writing on the tiny fragment is very much blurred, it is
quite possible that in line 2 we must read _sib-ba-ri_ (instead
of _bar-ba-ri_), which would furnish a parallel to line 111 of the
Pennsylvania tablet. The difference between Bar and Sib is slight,
and the one sign might easily be mistaken for the other in the case
of close writing. The continuation of line 2 of the fragment would
then correspond to line 112 of the Pennsylvania tablet, while line 1
of the fragment might be completed _[re-e]-u-ti(?) sá [mu-si-a-tim]_,
though this is by no means certain.
The break at the close of column 3 (about 5 lines) and the top
of column 4 (about 8 lines) is a most serious interruption in the
narrative, and makes it difficult to pick up the thread where the
tablet again becomes readable. We cannot be certain whether the "strong
man, the unique hero" who addresses some one (lines 115-117) is Enkidu
or Gish or some other personage, but presumably Gish is meant. In the
Assyrian version, Tablet I, 3, 2 and 29, we find Gilgamesh described
as the "unique hero" and in l. 234 of the Pennsylvania tablet Gish
is called "unique," while again, in the Assyrian version, Tablet I,
2, 15 and 26, he is designated as _gasru_ as in our text. Assuming
this, whom does he address? Perhaps the shepherds? In either case
he receives an answer that rejoices him. If the fragment of the
Assyrian version (K 8574) above discussed is the equivalent to the
close of column 3 of the Pennsylvania tablet, we may go one step
further, and with some measure of assurance assume that Gish is told
of Enkidu's exploits and that the latter is approaching Erech. This
pleases Gish, but Enkidu when he sees Gish(?) is stirred to anger and
wants to annihilate him. At this point, the "man" (who is probably
Gish, though the possibility of a third personage must be admitted)
intervenes and in a long speech sets forth the destiny and higher aims
of mankind. The contrast between Enkidu and Gish (or the third party)
is that between the primitive savage and the civilized being. The
contrast is put in the form of an opposition between the two. The
primitive man is the stronger and wishes to destroy the one whom he
regards as a natural foe and rival. On the other hand, the one who
stands on a higher plane wants to lift his fellow up. The whole of
column 4, therefore, forms part of the lesson attached to the story
of Enkidu, who, identified with man in a primitive stage, is made the
medium of illustrating how the higher plane is reached through the
guiding influences of the woman's hold on man, an influence exercised,
to be sure, with the help of her bodily charms.
Line 135. _uk-ki-si_ (imperative form) does not mean "take away," as
Langdon (who entirely misses the point of the whole passage) renders,
but on the contrary, "lure him on," "entrap him," and the like. The
verb occurs also in the Yale tablet, ll. 183 and 186.
Line 137. Langdon's note to _lu-us-sú_ had better be passed over in
silence. The form is II. 1, from _esû_, "destroy."
Line 139. Since the man whom the woman calls approaches Enkidu, the
subject of both verbs is the man, and the object is Enkidu; i.e.,
therefore, "The man approaches Enkidu and beholds him."
Line 140. Langdon's interpretation of this line again is purely
fanciful. _E-di-il_ cannot, of course, be a "phonetic variant"
of _edir_; and certainly the line does not describe the state of
mind of the woman. Lines 140-141 are to be taken as an expression
of amazement at Enkidu's appearance. The first word appears to be
an imperative in the sense of "Be off," "Away," from _dâlu_, "move,
roam." The second word _e-es_, "why," occurs with the same verb _dâlu_
in the Meissner fragment: _e-es ta-da-al_ (column 3, 1), "why dost thou
roam about?" The verb at the end of the line may perhaps be completed
to _ta-hi-il-la-am_. The last sign appears to be _am_, but may be _ma_,
in which case we should have to complete simply _ta-hi-il-ma_. _Tahîl_
would be the second person present of _hîlu_. Cf. _i-hi-il_, frequently
in astrological texts, e.g., Virolleaud, _Adad_ No. 3, lines 21 and 33.
Line 141. The reading _lim-nu_ at the beginning, instead of Langdon's
_mi-nu_, is quite certain, as is also _ma-na-ah-ti-ka_ instead of
what Langdon proposes, which gives no sense whatever. _Manahtu_ in
the sense of the "toil" and "activity of life" (like `OMOL throughout
the Book of Ecclesiastes) occurs in the introductory lines to the
Assyrian version of the Epic I, 1, 8, _ka-lu ma-na-ah-ti-[su]_,
"all of his toil," i.e., all of his career.
Line 142. The subject of the verb cannot be the woman, as Langdon
supposes, for the text in that case, e.g., line 49, would have said
_pi-sá_ ("her mouth") not _pi-sú_ ("his mouth"). The long speech,
detailing the function and destiny of civilized man, is placed in
the mouth of the man who meets Enkidu.
In the Introduction it has been pointed out that lines 149 and 151
of the speech appear to be due to later modifications of the speech
designed to connect the episode with Gish. Assuming this to be the
case, the speech sets forth the following five distinct aims of
human life: (1) establishing a home (line 144), (2) work (line 147),
(3) storing up resources (line 148), (4) marriage (line 150), (5)
monogamy (line 154); all of which is put down as established for all
time by divine decree (lines 155-157), and as man's fate from his birth
(lines 158-159).
Line 144. _bi-ti-is e-mu-ti_ is for _bîti sá e-mu-ti_, just as
_kab-lu-us Ti-a-ma-ti_ (Assyrian Creation Myth, IV, 65) stands for
_kablu sá Tiamti_. Cf. _bît e-mu-ti_ (Assyrian version, IV, 2, 46
and 48). The end of the line is lost beyond recovery, but the general
sense is clear.
Line 146. _tu-a-ar_ is a possible reading. It may be the construct
of _tu-a-ru_, of frequent occurrence in legal texts and having some
such meaning as "right," "claim" or "prerogative." See the passages
given by Muss-Arnolt, _Assyrian Dictionary_, p. 1139b.
Line 148. The reading _uk-la-at_, "food," and then in the wider
sense "food supply," "provisions," is quite certain. The fourth sign
looks like the one for "city." _E-mi-sa_ may stand for _e-mid-sa_,
"place it." The general sense of the line, at all events, is clear, as
giving the advice to gather resources. It fits in with the Babylonian
outlook on life to regard work and wealth as the fruits of work and
as a proper purpose in life.
Line 150 (repeated lines 152-153) is a puzzling line. To render _piti
pûk epsi_ (or _episi_), as Langdon proposes, "open, addressing thy
speech," is philologically and in every other respect inadmissible. The
word _pu-uk_ (which Langdon takes for "thy mouth"!!) can, of course,
be nothing but the construct form of _pukku_, which occurs in the
Assyrian version in the sense of "net" (_pu-uk-ku_ I, 2, 9 and
21, and also in the colophon to the eleventh tablet furnishing the
beginning of the twelfth tablet (Haupt's edition No. 56), as well as
in column 2, 29, and column 3, 6, of this twelfth tablet). In the two
last named passages _pukku_ is a synonym of _mekû_, which from the
general meaning of "enclosure" comes to be a euphemistic expression
for the female organ. So, for example, in the Assyrian Creation Myth,
Tablet IV, 66 (synonym of _kablu_, "waist," etc.). See Holma, _Namen
der Körperteile_, page 158. Our word _pukku_ must be taken in this same
sense as a designation of the female organ--perhaps more specifically
the "hymen" as the "net," though the womb in general might also be
designated as a "net" or "enclosure." _Kak-(si)_ is no doubt to be
read _epsi_, as Langdon correctly saw; or perhaps better, _episi_. An
expression like _ip-si-sú lul-la-a_ (Assyrian version, I, 4, 13;
also line 19, _i-pu-us-su-ma lul-la-a_), with the explanation _sipir
zinnisti_, "the work of woman" (i.e., after the fashion of woman),
shows that _epêsu_ is used in connection with the sexual act. The
phrase _pitî pûk episi a-na ha-a-a-ri_, literally "open the net,
perform the act for marriage," therefore designates the fulfillment
of the marriage act, and the line is intended to point to marriage
with the accompanying sexual intercourse as one of the duties of
man. While the general meaning is thus clear, the introduction of
Gish is puzzling, except on the supposition that lines 149 and 151
represent later additions to connect the speech, detailing the advance
to civilized life, with the hero. See above, p. 45 _seq._
Line 154. _assat simâtim_ is the "legitimate wife," and the line
inculcates monogamy as against promiscuous sexual intercourse. We know
that monogamy was the rule in Babylonia, though a man could in addition
to the wife recognized as the legalized spouse take a concubine, or
his wife could give her husband a slave as a concubine. Even in that
case, according to the Hammurabi Code, §§145-146, the wife retained
her status. The Code throughout assumes that a man has only _one_
wife--the _assat simâtim_ of our text. The phrase "so" (or "that")
before "as afterwards" is to be taken as an idiomatic expression--"so
it was and so it should be for all times"--somewhat like the phrase
_mahriam ù arkiam_, "for all times," in legal documents (_CT_ VIII,
38c, 22-23). For the use of _mûk_ see Behrens, _Assyrisch-Babylonische
Briefe_, p. 3.
Line 158. _i-na bi-ti-ik a-bu-un-na-ti-sú_. Another puzzling line,
for which Langdon proposes "in the work of his presence," which is
as obscure as the original. In a note he says that _apunnâti_ means
"nostrils," which is certainly wrong. There has been considerable
discussion about this term (see Holma, _Namen der Körperteile_,
pages 150 and 157), the meaning of which has been advanced by
Christian's discussion in _OLZ_ 1914, p. 397. From this it appears
that it must designate a part of the body which could acquire a wider
significance so as to be used as a synonym for "totality," since it
appears in a list of equivalent for Dur = _nap-ha-ru_, "totality,"
_ka-lu-ma_, "all," _a-bu-un-na-tum e-si-im-tum_, "bony structure," and
_kul-la-tum_, "totality" (_CT_ XII, 10, 7-10). Christian shows that
it may be the "navel," which could well acquire a wider significance
for the body in general; but we may go a step further and specify
the "umbilical cord" (tentatively suggested also by Christian) as
the primary meaning, then the "navel," and from this the "body" in
general. The structure of the umbilical cord as a series of strands
would account for designating it by a plural form _abunnâti_, as
also for the fact that one could speak of a right and left side of
the _appunnâti_. To distinguish between the "umbilical cord" and the
"navel," the ideograph Dur (the common meaning of which is _riksu_,
"bond" [Delitzsch, _Sumer. Glossar._, p. 150]), was used for the
former, while for the latter Li Dur was employed, though the reading
in Akkadian in both cases was the same. The expression "with (or at)
the cutting of his umbilical cord" would mean, therefore, "from
his birth"--since the cutting of the cord which united the child
with the mother marks the beginning of the separate life. Lines
158-159, therefore, in concluding the address to Enkidu, emphasize
in a picturesque way that what has been set forth is man's fate for
which he has been destined from birth. [See now Albright's remarks on
_abunnatu_ in the Revue d'Assyriologie 16, pp. 173-175, with whose
conclusion, however, that it means primarily "backbone" and then
"stature," I cannot agree.]
In the break of about three lines at the bottom of column 4, and
of about six at the beginning of column 5, there must have been set
forth the effect of the address on Enkidu and the indication of his
readiness to accept the advice; as in a former passage (line 64),
Enkidu showed himself willing to follow the woman. At all events the
two now proceed to the heart of the city. Enkidu is in front and
the woman behind him. The scene up to this point must have taken
place outside of Erech--in the suburbs or approaches to the city,
where the meadows and the sheepfolds were situated.
Line 174. _um-ma-nu-um_ are not the "artisans," as Langdon supposes,
but the "people" of Erech, just as in the Assyrian version, Tablet
IV, 1, 40, where the word occurs in connection with _i-dip-pi-ir_,
which is perhaps to be taken as a synonym of _pahâru_, "gather;"
so also _i-dip-pir_ (Tablet I, 2, 40) "gathers with the flock."
Lines 180-182 must have contained the description of Enkidu's
resemblance to Gish, but the lines are too mutilated to permit of any
certain restoration. See the corrections (Appendix) for a suggested
reading for the end of line 181.
Line 183 can be restored with considerable probability on the basis of
the Assyrian version, Tablet I, 3, 3 and 30, where Enkidu is described
as one "whose power is strong in the land."
Lines 186-187. The puzzling word, to be read apparently _kak-ki-a-tum_,
can hardly mean "weapons," as Langdon proposes. In that case we
should expect _kakkê_; and, moreover, to so render gives no sense,
especially since the verb _ú-te-el-li-lu_ is without much question
to be rendered "rejoiced," and not "purified." _Kakkiatum_--if this
be the correct reading--may be a designation of Erech like _ribîtim_.
Lines 188-189 are again entirely misunderstood by Langdon, owing to
erroneous readings. See the corrections in the Appendix.
Line 190. _i-li-im_ in this line is used like Hebrew Elohîm, "God."
Line 191. _sakissum_ = _sakin-sum_, as correctly explained by Langdon.
Line 192. With this line a new episode begins which, owing to the gap
at the beginning of column 6, is somewhat obscure. The episode leads
to the hostile encounter between Gish and Enkidu. It is referred
to in column 2 of the fourth tablet of the Assyrian version. Lines
35-50--all that is preserved of this column--form in part a parallel
to columns 5-6 of the Pennsylvania tablet, but in much briefer form,
since what on the Pennsylvania tablet is the incident itself is on
the fourth tablet of the Assyrian version merely a repeated summary of
the relationship between the two heroes, leading up to the expedition
against Hu(m)baba. Lines 38-40 of column 2 of the Assyrian version
correspond to lines 174-177 of the Pennsylvania tablet, and lines
44-50 to lines 192-221. It would seem that Gish proceeds stealthily
at night to go to the goddess Ishhara, who lies on a couch in the _bît
êmuti_ , the "family house" Assyrian version, Tablet IV, 2. 46-48). He
encounters Enkidu in the street, and the latter blocks Gish's path,
puts his foot in the gate leading to the house where the goddess is,
and thus prevents Gish from entering. Thereupon the two have a fierce
encounter in which Gish is worsted. The meaning of the episode itself
is not clear. Does Enkidu propose to deprive Gish, here viewed as a god
(cf. line 190 of the Pennsylvania tablet = Assyrian version, Tablet
I, 4, 45, "like a god"), of his spouse, the goddess Ishhara--another
form of Ishtar? Or are the two heroes, the one a counterpart of the
other, contesting for the possession of a goddess? Is it in this
scene that Enkidu becomes the "rival" (_me-ih-rù_, line 191 of the
Pennsylvania tablet) of the divine Gish? We must content ourself with
having obtained through the Pennsylvania tablet a clearer indication
of the occasion of the fight between the two heroes, and leave the
further explanation of the episode till a fortunate chance may throw
additional light upon it. There is perhaps a reference to the episode
in the Assyrian version, Tablet II, 3b, 35-36.
Line 196. For _i-na-ag-sá-am_ (from _nagâsu_), Langdon proposes the
purely fanciful "embracing her in sleep," whereas it clearly means
"he approaches." Cf. Muss-Arnolt, _Assyrian Dictionary_, page 645a.
Lines 197-200 appear to correspond to Tablet IV, 2, 35-37, of the
Assyrian version, though not forming a complete parallel. We may
therefore supply at the beginning of line 35 of the Assyrian version
_[ittaziz] Enkidu_, corresponding to line 197 of the Pennsylvania
tablet. Line 36 of IV, 2, certainly appears to correspond to line 200
(_dan-nu-ti_ = _da-na-ni-is-sú_).
Line 208. The first sign looks more like _sar_, though _ur_ is
possible.
Line 211 is clearly a description of Enkidu, as is shown by a
comparison with the Assyrian version I, 2, 37: _[pi]-ti-ik pi-ir-ti-sú
uh-tan-na-ba kima d_Nidaba, "The form of his hair sprouted like
wheat." We must therefore supply Enkidu in the preceding line. Tablet
IV, 4, 6, of the Assyrian version also contains a reference to the
flowing hair of Enkidu.
Line 212. For the completion of the line cf. Harper, _Assyrian and
Babylonian Letters_, No. 214.
Line 214. For _ribîtu mâti_ see the note above to line 28 of column 1.
Lines 215-217 correspond almost entirely to the Assyrian version IV, 2,
46-48. The variations _ki-ib-su_ in place of _sêpu_, and _kima lîm_,
"like oxen," instead of _ina bâb êmuti_ (repeated from line 46), _ana
surûbi_ for _êribam_, are slight though interesting. The Assyrian
version shows that the "gate" in line 215 is "the gate of the family
house" in which the goddess Ishhara lies.
Lines 218-228. The detailed description of the fight between the two
heroes is only partially preserved in the Assyrian version.
Line 218. _li-i-im_ is evidently to be taken as plural here as
in line 224, just as _su-ki-im_ (lines 27 and 175), _ri-bi-tim_
(lines 4, 28, etc.), _tarbasim_ (line 74), _assamim_ (line 98) are
plural forms. Our text furnishes, as does also the Yale tablet, an
interesting illustration of the vacillation in the Hammurabi period
in the twofold use of _im_: (a) as an indication of the plural (as in
Hebrew), and (b) as a mere emphatic ending (lines 63, 73, and 232),
which becomes predominant in the post-Hammurabi age.
Line 227. Gilgamesh is often represented on seal cylinders as kneeling,
e.g., Ward Seal Cylinders Nos. 159, 160, 165. Cf. also Assyrian version
V, 3, 6, where Gilgamesh is described as kneeling, though here in
prayer. See further the commentary to the Yale tablet, line 215.
Line 229. We must of course read _uz-za-sú_, "his anger," and not
_us-sa-sú_, "his javelin," as Langdon does, which gives no sense.
Line 231. Langdon's note is erroneous. He again misses the point. The
stem of the verb here as in line 230 (_i-ni-ih_) is the common _nâhu_,
used so constantly in connection with _pasâhu_, to designate the
cessation of anger.
Line 234. _istên_ applied to Gish designates him of course as "unique,"
not as "an ordinary man," as Langdon supposes.
Line 236. On this title "wild cow of the stall" for Ninsun, see Poebel
in _OLZ_ 1914, page 6, to whom we owe the correct view regarding the
name of Gilgamesh's mother.
Line 238. _mu-ti_ here cannot mean "husband," but "man" in general. See
above note to line 107. Langdon's strange misreading _ri-es-su_ for
_ri-es-ka_ ("thy head") leads him again to miss the point, namely
that Enkidu comforts his rival by telling him that he is destined for
a career above that of the ordinary man. He is to be more than a mere
prize fighter; he is to be a king, and no doubt in the ancient sense,
as the representative of the deity. This is indicated by the statement
that the kingship is decreed for him by Enlil. Similarly, Hu(m)baba or
Huwawa is designated by Enlil to inspire terror among men (Assyrian
version, Tablet IV, 5, 2 and 5), _i-sim-sú d_Enlil = Yale tablet,
l. 137, where this is to be supplied. This position accorded to Enlil
is an important index for the origin of the Epic, which is thus shown
to date from a period when the patron deity of Nippur was acknowledged
as the general head of the pantheon. This justifies us in going back
several centuries at least before Hammurabi for the beginning of
the Gilgamesh story. If it had originated in the Hammurabi period,
we should have had Marduk introduced instead of Enlil.
Line 242. As has been pointed out in the corrections to the text
(Appendix), _sú-tu-ur_ can only be III, 1, from _atâru_, "to be in
excess of." It is a pity that the balance of the line is broken off,
since this is the first instance of a colophon beginning with the
term in question. In some way _sutûr_ must indicate that the copy of
the text has been "enlarged." It is tempting to fill out the line
_sú-tu-ur e-li [duppi labiri]_, and to render "enlarged from an
original," as an indication of an independent recension of the Epic
in the Hammurabi period. All this, however, is purely conjectural,
and we must patiently hope for more tablets of the Old Babylonian
version to turn up. The chances are that some portions of the same
edition as the Yale and Pennsylvania tablets are in the hands of
dealers at present or have been sold to European museums. The war has
seriously interfered with the possibility of tracing the whereabouts
of groups of tablets that ought never to have been separated.
YALE TABLET.
TRANSLITERATION.
(About ten lines missing.)
Col. I.
.................. [ib]-ri(?)
[mi-im-ma(?) sá(?)]-kú-tu wa(?)-ak-rum
[am-mi-nim] ta-ah-si-ih
[an-ni]-a-am [e-pi]-sá-am
...... mi-im[-ma sá-kú-tu(?)]ma-
di-is
[am-mi]-nim [tah]-si-ih
[ur(?)]-ta-du-ú [a-na ki-i]s-tim
si-ip-ra-am it-[ta-sú]-ú i-na [nisê]
it-ta-ás-sú-ú-ma
i-pu-sú ru-hu-tam
.................. us-ta-di-nu
............................. bu
...............................
(About 17 lines missing.)
.............. nam-........
.................... u ib-[ri] .....
.............. ú-na-i-du ......
[zi-ik]-ra-am ú-[tí-ir]-ru
[a-na] ha-ri-[im]-tim
[i]-pu(?)-sú a-na sa-[ka]-pu-ti
Col. II.
(About eleven lines missing.)
... sú(?)-mu(?) ...............
ma-hi-ra-am [sá i-si-sú]
sú-uk-ni-sum-[ma] ...............
la-al-la-ru-[tu] ..................
um-mi d-[Gis mu-di-a-at ka-la-ma]
i-na ma-[har dSamas i-di-sá is-si]
sá ú
i-na- an(?)-[na am-mi-nim]
ta-[as-kun(?) a-na ma-ri-ia li-ib-bi la]
sa-[li-la te-mid-su]
.............................
(About four lines missing.)
i-na [sá dEn-ki-du im-la-a] di-[im-tam]
il-[pu-ut li]-ib-ba-sú-[ma]
[zar-bis(?)] us-ta-ni-[ih]
[i-na sá dEn]-ki-du im-la-a di-im-tam
[il-pu-ut] li-ib-ba-sú-ma
[zar-bis(?)] us-ta-ni-[ih]
[dGis ú-ta]-ab-bil pa-ni-sú
[iz-za-kar-am] a-na dEn-ki-du
[ib-ri am-mi-nim] i-na-ka
[im-la-a di-im]-tam
[il-pu-ut li-ib-bi]-ka
[zar-bis tu-us-ta]-ni-ih
[dEn-ki-du pi-sú i-pu-sá]-am-ma
iz-za-[kàr-am] a-na dGis
ta-ab-bi-a-tum ib-ri
us-ta-li-pa da- [151]da-ni-ia
a-ha-a-a ir-ma-a-ma
e-mu-ki i-ni-is
dGis pi-sú i-pu-sá-am-ma
iz-za-kàr-am a-na dEn-ki-du
(About four lines missing.)
Col. III.
..... [a-di dHu]-wa-wa da-pi-nu
.................. ra-[am(?)-ma]
................ [ú-hal]- li-ik
[lu-ur-ra-du a-na ki-is-ti sá] iserini
............ lam(?) hal-bu
............ [li]-li-is-su
.............. lu(?)-up-ti-sú
dEn-ki-du pi-sú i-pu-sá-am-ma
iz-za-kàr-am a-na dGis
i-di-ma ib-ri i-na sadî(-i)
i-nu-ma at-ta-la-ku it-ti bu-lim
a-na istên(-en) kas-gíd-ta-a-an nu-ma-at ki-is-tum
[e-di-is(?)] ur-ra-du a-na libbi-sá
d[Hu-wa]-wa ri-ig-ma-sú a-bu-bu
pi-[sú] dBil-gi-ma
na-pi-is-sú mu-tum
am-mi-nim ta-ah-si-ih
an-ni-a-am e-pi-sá-am
ga-[ba]-al-la ma-ha-ar
[sú]-pa-at dHu-wa-wa
(d)Gis pi-sú i-pu-sá-am-ma
[iz-za-k]àr-am a-na dEn-ki-du
....... su(?)-lu-li a-sá-ki [152]-sá
............. [i-na ki-is]-tim
...............................
ik(?) .........................
a-na ..........................
mu-sá-ab [dHu-wa-wa] .......
ha-as-si-nu .................
at-ta lu(?) .................
a-na-ku lu-[ur-ra-du a-na ki-is-tim]
dEn-ki-du pi-sú i-pu-[sá-am-ma]
iz-za-kàr-am a-na [dGis]
ki-i ni[il]-la-ak [is-te-nis(?)]
a-na ki-is-ti [sá iserini]
na-si-ir-sá dGis muk-[tab-lu]
da-a-an la sa[-li-lu(?)]
dHu-wa-wa dpi-ir-[hu sa (?)]
dAdad is ..........
sú-ú ..................
Col. IV.
ás-súm sú-ul-lu-m[u ki-is-ti sáiserini]
pu-ul-hi-a-tim 7 [sú(?) i-sim-sú dEnlil]
dGis pi-sú i-pu [sá-am-ma]
iz-za-kàr-am a-na [dEn-ki-du]
ma-an-nu ib-ri e-lu-ú sá-[ru-ba(?)]
i-tib-ma it-ti dSamas da-ri-is ú-[me-sú]
a-we-lu-tum ba-ba-nu ú-tam-mu-sá-[ma]
mi-im-ma sá i-te-ni-pu-sú sá-ru-ba
at-ta an-na-nu-um-ma ta-dar mu-tam
ul is-sú da-na-nu kar-ra-du-ti-ka
lu-ul-li-ik-ma i-na pa-ni-ka
pi-ka li-is-si-a-am ti-hi-e ta-du-ur
sum-ma am-ta-ku-ut sú-mi lu-us-zi-iz
dGis mi [153]-it-ti dHu-wa-wa da-pi-nim
il(?)-ku-ut is-tu
i-wa-al-dam-ma tar-bi-a i-na sam-mu(?) Il(?)
is-hi-it-ka-ma la-bu ka-la-ma ti-di
it- ku(?) ..... [il(?)]-pu-tu-(?) ma .....
.............. ka-ma
.............. si pi-ti
............ ki-ma re'i(?) na-gi-la sa-rak-ti
.... [ta-sá-s]i-a-am tu-lim-mi-in li-ib-bi
[ga-ti lu]-us-ku-un-ma
[lu-u-ri]-ba-am iserini
[sú-ma sá]-ta-ru-ú a-na-ku lu-us-ta-ak-na
[pu-tu-ku(?)] ib-ri a-na ki-is-ka-tim lu-mu-ha
[be-le-e li-is-]-pu-ku i-na mah-ri-ni
[pu-tu]-ku a-na ki-is-ka-ti-i i-mu-hu
wa-ás-bu us-ta-da-nu um-mi-a-nu
pa-si is-pu-ku ra-bu-tim
ha-as-si-ni 3 biltu-ta-a-an is-tap-ku
pa-at-ri is-pu-ku ra-bu-tim
me-se-li-tum 2 biltu-ta-a-an
si-ip-ru 30 ma-na-ta-a-an sá a-hi-si-na
isid(?) pa-at-ri 30 ma-na-ta-a-an hurasi
[d]Gis ù [dEn-ki-]du 10 biltu-ta-a-an sá-ak-nu]
.... ul-la . .[Uruk]ki 7 i-di-il-sú
...... is-me-ma um-ma-nu ib-bi-ra
[us-te-(?)]-mi-a i-na sûki sá Urukki ri-bi-tim
...... [u-se(?)]-sa-sú dGis
[ina sûki sá(?) Urukki] ri-bi-tim
[dEn-ki-du(?) ú]-sá-ab i-na mah-ri-sú
..... [ki-a-am(?) i-ga]-ab-bi
[........ Urukki ri]-bi-tim
[ma-ha-ar-sú]
Col. V.
dGis sá i-ga-ab-bu-ú lu-mu-ur
sá sú-um-sú it-ta-nam-ma-la ma-ta-tum
lu-uk-sú-su-ma i-na ki-is-ti iserini
ki-ma da-an-nu pi-ir-hu-um sá Urukki
lu-si-es-mi ma-tam
ga-ti lu-us-ku-un-ma lu-uk-[sú] [154]-su-ma iserini
sú-ma sá-ta-ru-ú a-na-ku lu-us-tak-nam
si-bu-tum sá Urukki ri-bi-tim
zi-ik-ra ú-ti-ir-ru a-na dGis
si-ih-ri-ti-ma dGis libbi-ka na-si-ka
mi-im-ma sá te-te-ni-pu-sú la ti-di
ni-si-im-me-ma dHu-wa-wa sá-nu-ú bu-nu-sú
ma-an-nu-um [us-tam]-ha-ru ka-ak-ki-sú
a-na istên(-en) [kas-gíd-ta-a]-an nu-ma-at kisti
ma-an-nu sá [ur-ra]-du a-na libbi-sá
dHu-wa-wa ri-ig-ma-sú a-bu-bu
pi-sú dBil-gi-ma na-pi-su mu-tum
am-mi-nim tah-si-ih an-ni-a-am e-pi-sá
ga-ba-al-la ma-ha-ar sú-pa-at dHu-wa-wa
is-me-e-ma dGis zi-ki-ir ma-li-[ki]-sú
ip-pa-al-sa-am-ma i-si-ih a-na ib-[ri-sú]
i-na-an-na ib-[ri] ki-a-am [a-ga-ab-bi]
a-pa-al-ah-sú-ma a-[al-la-ak a-na kisti]
[lu]ul-[lik it-ti-ka a-na ki-is-ti iserini(?)]
(About five lines missing.)
........................ -ma
li ............... -ka
ilu-ka li(?) ..............-ka
harrana li-sá-[tir-ka a-na sú-ul-mi]
a-na kar sá [Urukki ri-bi-tim]
ka-mi-is-ma dGis [ma-ha-ar dSamas(?)]
a-wa-at i-ga-ab- [bu-sú-ma]
a-al-la-ak dSamas katâ-[ka a-sa-bat]
ul-la-nu lu-us-li-ma na-pi-[is-ti]
te-ir-ra-an-ni a-na kar i-[na Urukki]
si-il-[la]m sú-ku-un [a-na ia-a-si(?)]
is-si-ma dGis ib-[ri.....]
te-ir-ta-sú ..........
is(?) ..............
tam ................
........................
i-nu(?)-[ma] ..................
(About two lines missing.)
Col. VI.
[a-na-ku] dGis [i-ik]-ka-di ma-tum
........... harrana sá la al-[kam] ma-ti-ma
.... a-ka-lu ..... la(?) i-di
[ul-la-nu] lu-us-li-[mu] a-na-ku
[lu-ud-lul]-ka i-na [h]u-ud li-ib-bi
...... [sú]-ku-ut-[ti] la-li-ka
[lu-se-sib(?)] - ka i-na kussêmes
....................... ú-nu-su
[bêlêmes(?)ú-ti-ir]-ru ra-bu-tum
[ka-as-tum] ù is-pa-tum
[i-na] ga-ti is-ku-nu
[il-]te-ki pa-si
....... -ri is-pa-as-su
..... [a-na] ili sá-ni-tam
[it-ti pa(?)] - tar-[sú] i-na si-ip-pi-sú
........ i-ip-pu-sú a-la-kam
[sa]-nis ú-ga-ra-bu dGis
[a-di ma]-ti tu-ut-te-ir a-na libbi Urukki
[si-bu]-tum i-ka-ra-bu-sú
[a-na] harrani i-ma-li-ku dGis
[la t]a-at-kal dGis a-na e-[mu]-ki-ka
[a-]ka-lu sú-wa-ra-ma ú-sur ra-ma-an-ka
[li]-il-lik dEn-ki-du i-na pa-ni-ka
[ur-ha]-am a-we-ir a-lik harrana(-na)
[a-di] sá kisti ni-ri-bi-tim
[sá(?)] [d]Hu-wa-wa ka-li-sú-nu si-ip-pi-ih(?)-sú
[sa(?)a-lik] mah-ra tap-pa-a ú-sá-lim
[harrana](-na)-sú sú-wa-ra-[ma ú-sur ra-ma-na-ka]
[li-sak-sid]-ka ir-[ni-ta]-ka dSamas
[ta]-ak-bi-a-at pi-ka li-kal-li-ma i-na-ka
li-ip-ti-ku pa-da-nam pi-hi-tam
harrana li-is-ta-zi-ik a-na ki-ib-si-ka
sá-di-a li-is-ta-zi-ik a-na sêpi-ka
mu-si-it-ka aw-a-at ta-ha-du-ú
li-ib-la-ma dLugal-ban-da li-iz-zi-iz-ka
i-na ir-ni-ti-ka
ki-ma si-ih-ri ir-ni-ta-ka-ma lus-mida(-da)
i-na na-ri sá dHu-wa-wa sá tu-sa-ma-ru
mi-zi si-pi-ka
i-na bat-ba-ti-ka hi-ri bu-ur-tam
lu-ka-a-a-nu mê ellu i-na na-di-ka
[ka-]su-tim me-e a-na dSamas ta-na-di
[li-is]ta-ha-sa-as dLugal-ban-da
[dEn-ki-]du pi-su i-pu-sá-am-ma, iz-za-kàr a-na dGis
[is(?)]-tu(?) ta-ás-dan-nu e-pu-us a-la-kam
[la pa]la-ah libbi-ka ia-ti tu-uk-la-ni
[sú-ku-]un i-di-a-am sú-pa-as-su
[harrana(?)]sá dHu-wa-wa it-ta-la-ku
.......... ki-bi-ma te-[ir]-sú-nu-ti
(Three lines missing.)
L.E.
.............. nam-ma-la
............... il-li-ku it-ti-ia
............... ba-ku-nu-si-im
......... [ul]-la(?)-nu i-na hu-ud li-ib-bi
[i-na se-me-e] an-ni-a ga-ba-sú
e-dis harrana(?) us-te-[zi-ik]
a-lik dGis lu-[ul-lik a-na pa-ni-ka]
li-lik il-ka ..........
li-sá-ak-lim-[ka harrana] ......
dGis ù[dEn-ki-du] .......
mu-di-es ..........
bi-ri-[su-nu] ........
TRANSLATION.
(About ten lines missing.)
Col. I.
.................. (my friend?)
[Something] that is exceedingly difficult,
[Why] dost thou desire
[to do this?]
.... something (?) that is very [difficult (?)],
[Why dost thou] desire
[to go down to the forest]?
A message [they carried] among [men]
They carried about.
They made a ....
.............. they brought
..............................
..............................
(About 17 lines missing.)
.............................
................... my friend
................ they raised .....
answer [they returned.]
[To] the woman
They proceeded to the overthrowing
Col. II.
(About eleven lines missing.)
.......... name(?) .............
[The one who is] a rival [to him]
subdue and ................
Wailing ................
The mother [of Gish, who knows everything]
Before [Shamash raised her hand]
Who
Now(?) [why]
hast thou stirred up the heart for my son,
[Restlessness imposed upon him (?)]
............................
(About four lines missing.)
The eyes [of Enkidu filled with tears].
[He clutched] his heart;
[Sadly(?)] he sighed.
[The eyes of En]kidu filled with tears.
[He clutched] his heart;
[Sadly(?)] he sighed.
The face [of Gish was grieved].
[He spoke] to Enkidu:
["My friend, why are] thy eyes
[Filled with tears]?
Thy [heart clutched]
Dost thou sigh [sadly(?)]?"
[Enkidu opened his mouth] and
spoke to Gish:
"Attacks, my friend,
have exhausted my strength(?).
My arms are lame,
my strength has become weak."
Gish opened his mouth and
spoke to Enkidu:
(About four lines missing.)
Col. III.
..... [until] Huwawa, [the terrible],
........................
............ [I destroyed].
[I will go down to the] cedar forest,
................... the jungle
............... tambourine (?)
................ I will open it.
Enkidu opened his mouth and
spoke to Gish:
"Know, my friend, in the mountain,
when I moved about with the cattle
to a distance of one double hour into the heart of the forest,
[Alone?] I penetrated within it,
[To] Huwawa, whose roar is a flood,
whose mouth is fire,
whose breath is death.
Why dost thou desire
To do this?
To advance towards
the dwelling(?) of Huwawa?"
Gish opened his mouth and
[spoke to Enkidu:
"... [the covering(?)] I will destroy.
....[in the forest]
....................
....................
To .................
The dwelling [of Huwawa]
The axe ..........
Thou ..........
I will [go down to the forest]."
Enkidu opened his mouth and
spoke to [Gish:]
"When [together(?)] we go down
To the [cedar] forest,
whose guardian, O warrior Gish,
a power(?) without [rest(?)],
Huwawa, an offspring(?) of ....
Adad ......................
He ........................
Col. IV.
To keep safe [the cedar forest],
[Enlil has decreed for it] seven-fold terror."
Gish [opened] his mouth and
spoke to [Enkidu]:
"Whoever, my friend, overcomes (?) [terror(?)],
it is well (for him) with Shamash for the length of [his days].
Mankind will speak of it at the gates.
Wherever terror is to be faced,
Thou, forsooth, art in fear of death.
Thy prowess lacks strength.
I will go before thee.
Though thy mouth calls to me; "thou art afraid to approach."
If I fall, I will establish my name.
Gish, the corpse(?) of Huwawa, the terrible one,
has snatched (?) from the time that
My offspring was born in ......
The lion restrained (?) thee, all of which thou knowest.
........................
.............. thee and
................ open (?)
........ like a shepherd(?) .....
[When thou callest to me], thou afflictest my heart.
I am determined
[to enter] the cedar forest.
I will, indeed, establish my name.
[The work(?)], my friend, to the artisans I will entrust.
[Weapons(?)] let them mould before us."
[The work(?)] to the artisans they entrusted.
A dwelling(?) they assigned to the workmen.
Hatchets the masters moulded:
Axes of 3 talents each they moulded.
Lances the masters moulded;
Blades(?) of 2 talents each,
A spear of 30 mina each attached to them.
The hilt of the lances of 30 mina in gold
Gish and [Enki]du were equipped with 10 talents each
.......... in Erech seven its ....
....... the people heard and ....
[proclaimed(?)] in the street of Erech of the plazas.
..... Gis [brought him out(?)]
[In the street (?)] of Erech of the plazas
[Enkidu(?)] sat before him
..... [thus] he spoke:
"........ [of Erech] of the plazas
............ [before him]
Col. V.
Gish of whom they speak, let me see!
whose name fills the lands.
I will lure him to the cedar forest,
Like a strong offspring of Erech.
I will let the land hear (that)
I am determined to lure (him) in the cedar (forest) [155].
A name I will establish."
The elders of Erech of the plazas
brought word to Gish:
"Thou art young, O Gish, and thy heart carries thee away.
Thou dost not know what thou proposest to do.
We hear that Huwawa is enraged.
Who has ever opposed his weapon?
To one [double hour] in the heart of the forest,
Who has ever penetrated into it?
Huwawa, whose roar is a deluge,
whose mouth is fire, whose breath is death.
Why dost thou desire to do this?
To advance towards the dwelling (?) of Huwawa?"
Gish heard the report of his counsellors.
He saw and cried out to [his] friend:
"Now, my friend, thus [I speak].
I fear him, but [I will go to the cedar forest(?)];
I will go [with thee to the cedar forest].
(About five lines missing.)
..............................
May ................... thee
Thy god may (?) ........ thee;
On the road may he guide [thee in safety(?)].
At the rampart of [Erech of the plazas],
Gish kneeled down [before Shamash(?)],
A word then he spoke [to him]:
"I will go, O Shamash, [thy] hands [I seize hold of].
When I shall have saved [my life],
Bring me back to the rampart [in Erech].
Grant protection [to me ?]!"
Gish cried, "[my friend] ......
His oracle ..................
........................
........................
........................
When (?)
(About two lines missing.)
Col. VI.
"[I(?)] Gish, the strong one (?) of the land.
...... A road which I have never [trodden];
........ food ...... do not (?) know.
[When] I shall have succeeded,
[I will praise] thee in the joy of my heart,
[I will extol (?)] the superiority of thy power,
[I will seat thee] on thrones."
.................. his vessel(?)
The masters [brought the weapons (?)];
[bow] and quiver
They placed in hand.
[He took] the hatchet.
................. his quiver.
..... [to] the god(?) a second time
[With his lance(?)] in his girdle,
......... they took the road.
[Again] they approached Gish!
"[How long] till thou returnest to Erech?"
[Again the elders] approached him.
[For] the road they counselled Gis:
"Do [not] rely, O Gish, on thy strength!
Provide food and save thyself!
Let Enkidu go before thee.
He is acquainted with the way, he has trodden the road
[to] the entrance of the forest.
of Huwawa all of them his ......
[He who goes] in advance will save the companion.
Provide for his [road] and [save thyself]!
(May) Shamash [carry out] thy endeavor!
May he make thy eyes see the prophecy of thy mouth.
May he track out (for thee) the closed path!
May he level the road for thy treading!
May he level the mountain for thy foot!
During thy night [156] the word that wilt rejoice
may Lugal-banda convey, and stand by thee
in thy endeavor!
Like a youth may he establish thy endeavor!
In the river of Huwawa as thou plannest,
wash thy feet!
Round about thee dig a well!
May there be pure water constantly for thy libation
Goblets of water pour out to Shamash!
[May] Lugal-banda take note of it!"
[Enkidu] opened his mouth and spoke to Gish:
"[Since thou art resolved] to take the road.
Thy heart [be not afraid,] trust to me!
[Confide] to my hand his dwelling(?)!"
[on the road to] Huwawa they proceeded.
....... command their return
(Three lines missing.)
L.E.
............... were filled.
.......... they will go with me.
...............................
.................. joyfully.
[Upon hearing] this word of his,
Alone, the road(?) [he levelled].
"Go, O Gish [I will go before thee(?)].
May thy god(?) go .........
May he show [thee the road !] .....
Gish and [Enkidu]
Knowingly ....................
Between [them] ................
Lines 13-14 (also line 16). See for the restoration, lines 112-13.
Line 62. For the restoration, see Jensen, p. 146 (Tablet III, 2a,9.)
Lines 64-66. Restored on the basis of the Assyrian version,
_ib_. line 10.
Line 72. Cf. Assyrian version, Tablet IV, 4, 10, and restore at the
end of this line _di-im-tam_ as in our text, instead of Jensen's
conjecture.
Lines 74, 77 and 83. The restoration _zar-bis_, suggested by the
Assyrian version, Tablet IV, 4, 4.
Lines 76 and 82. Cf. Assyrian version, Tablet VIII, 3, 18.
Line 78. _(ú-ta-ab-bil_ from _abâlu_, "grieve" or
"darkened." Cf. _us-ta-kal_ (Assyrian version, _ib_. line 9), where,
perhaps, we are to restore _it-ta-[bil pa-ni-sú]_.
Line 87. _us-ta-li-pa_ from _elêpu_, "exhaust." See Muss-Arnolt,
_Assyrian Dictionary_, p. 49a.
Line 89. Cf. Assyrian version, _ib_. line 11, and restore the end of
the line there to _i-ni-is_, as in our text.
Line 96. For _dapinu_ as an epithet of Huwawa, see Assyrian version,
Tablet III, 2a, 17, and 3a, 12. _Dapinu_ occurs also as a description
of an ox (Rm 618, Bezold, _Catalogue of the Kouyunjik Tablets_, etc.,
p. 1627).
Line 98. The restoration on the basis of _ib._ III, 2a, 18.
Lines 96-98 may possibly form a parallel to _ib_. lines 17-18,
which would then read about as follows: "Until I overcome Huwawa,
the terrible, and all the evil in the land I shall have destroyed." At
the same time, it is possible that we are to restore _[lu-ul]-li-ik_
at the end of line 98.
Line 101. _lilissu_ occurs in the Assyrian version, Tablet IV, 6, 36.
Line 100. For _halbu_, "jungle," see Assyrian version, Tablet V, 3,
39 (p. 160).
Lines 109-111. These lines enable us properly to restore Assyrian
version, Tablet IV, 5, 3 = Haupt's edition, p. 83 (col. 5, 3). No
doubt the text read as ours _mu-tum_ (or _mu-u-tum_) _na-pis-su_.
Line 115. _supatu_, which occurs again in line 199 and also line
275._sú-pa-as-su_ (= _supat-su_) must have some such meaning as
"dwelling," demanded by the context. [Dhorme refers me to _OLZ_ 1916,
p. 145].
Line 129. Restored on the basis of the Assyrian version, Tablet IV,
6, 38.
Line 131. The restoration _muktablu_, tentatively suggested on the
basis of CT XVIII, 30, 7b, where _muktablu_, "warrior," appears as
one of the designations of Gilgamesh, followed by _a-lik pa-na_,
"the one who goes in advance," or "leader"--the phrase so constantly
used in the Huwawa episode.
Line 132. Cf. Assyrian version, Tablet I, 5, 18-19.
Lines 136-137. These two lines restored on the basis of Jensen IV, 5,
2 and 5. The variant in the Assyrian version, _sá nise_ (written Ukumes
in one case and Lumes in the other), for the numeral 7 in our text
to designate a terror of the largest and most widespread character,
is interesting. The number 7 is similarly used as a designation of
Gilgamesh, who is called _Esigga imin_, "seven-fold strong," i.e.,
supremely strong (CT XVIII, 30, 6-8). Similarly, Enkidu, _ib._ line
10, is designated _a-rá imina_, "seven-fold."
Line 149. A difficult line because of the uncertainty of the reading
at the beginning of the following line. The most obvious meaning of
_mi-it-tu_ is "corpse," though in the Assyrian version _salamtu_
is used (Assyrian version, Tablet V, 2, 42). On the other hand,
it is possible--as Dr. Lutz suggested to me--that _mittu_, despite
the manner of writing, is identical with _mittú_, the name of a
divine weapon, well-known from the Assyrian creation myth (Tablet
IV, 130), and other passages. The combination _mit-tu sá-ku-ú-_,
"lofty weapon," in the Bilingual text IV, R2, 18 No. 3, 31-32, would
favor the meaning "weapon" in our passage, since _[sá]-ku-tu_ is a
possible restoration at the beginning of line 150. However, the writing
_mi-it-ti_ points too distinctly to a derivative of the stem _mâtu_,
and until a satisfactory explanation of lines 150-152 is forthcoming,
we must stick to the meaning "corpse" and read the verb _il-ku-ut_.
Line 152. The context suggests "lion" for the puzzling _la-bu_.
Line 156. Another puzzling line. Dr. Clay's copy is an accurate
reproduction of what is distinguishable. At the close of the line
there appears to be a sign written over an erasure.
Line 158. _[ga-ti lu-]us-kun_ as in line 186, literally, "I will
place my hand," i.e., I purpose, I am determined.
Line 160. The restoration on the basis of the parallel line 187. Note
the interesting phrase, "writing a name" in the sense of acquiring
"fame."
Line 161. The _kiskattê_, "artisans," are introduced also in the
Assyrian version, Tablet VI, 187, to look at the enormous size and
weight of the horns of the slain divine bull. See for other passages
Muss-Arnolt _Assyrian Dictionary_, p. 450b. At the beginning of this
line, we must seek for the same word as in line 163.
Line 162. While the restoration _belê_, "weapon," is purely
conjectural, the context clearly demands some such word. I choose
_belê_ in preference to _kakkê_, in view of the Assyrian version,
Tablet VI, 1.
Line 163. _Putuku_ (or _putukku_) from _patâku_ would be an appropriate
word for the fabrication of weapons.
Line 165. The _rabûtim_ here, as in line 167, I take as the "master
mechanics" as contrasted with the _ummianu_, "common workmen," or
journeymen. A parallel to this forging of the weapons for the two
heroes is to be found in the Sumerian fragment of the Gilgamesh Epic
published by Langdon, _Historical and Religious Texts from the Temple
Library of Nippur_ (Munich, 1914), No. 55, 1-15.
Lines 168-170 describe the forging of the various parts of the
lances for the two heroes. The _sipru_ is the spear point Muss-Arnolt,
_Assyrian Dictionary_, p. 886b; the _isid patri_ is clearly the "hilt,"
and the _meselitum_ I therefore take as the "blade" proper. The word
occurs here for the first time, so far as I can see. For 30 minas,
see Assyrian version, Tablet VI, 189, as the weight of the two horns
of the divine bull. Each axe weighing 3 _biltu_, and the lance with
point and hilt 3 _biltu_ we would have to assume 4 _biltu_ for each
_pasu_, so as to get a total of 10 _biltu_ as the weight of the weapons
for each hero. The lance is depicted on seal cylinders representing
Gilgamesh and Enkidu, for example, Ward, _Seal Cylinders_, No. 199,
and also in Nos. 184 and 191 in the field, with the broad hilt;
and in an enlarged form in No. 648. Note the clear indication of the
hilt. The two figures are Gilgamesh and Enkidu--not two Gilgameshes,
as Ward assumed. See above, page 34. A different weapon is the club or
mace, as seen in Ward, Nos. 170 and 173. This appears also to be the
weapon which Gilgamesh holds in his hand on the colossal figure from
the palace of Sargon (Jastrow, _Civilization of Babylonia and Assyria_,
Pl. LVII), though it has been given a somewhat grotesque character by
a perhaps intentional approach to the scimitar, associated with Marduk
(see Ward, _Seal Cylinders_, Chap. XXVII). The exact determination of
the various weapons depicted on seal-cylinders merits a special study.
Line 181. Begins a speech of Huwawa, extending to line 187, reported
to Gish by the elders (line 188-189), who add a further warning to
the youthful and impetuous hero.
Line 183. _lu-uk-sú-su_ (also l. 186), from _akâsu_, "drive on" or
"lure on," occurs on the Pennsylvania tablet, line 135, _uk-ki-si_,
"lure on" or "entrap," which Langdon erroneously renders "take away"
and thereby misses the point completely. See the comment to the line
of the Pennsylvania tablet in question.
Line 192. On the phrase _sanû bunu_, "change of countenance," in the
sense of "enraged," see the note to the Pennsylvania tablet, l.31.
Line 194. _nu-ma-at_ occurs in a tablet published by Meissner,
_Altbabyl. Privatrecht_, No. 100, with _bît abi_, which shows that the
total confine of a property is meant; here, therefore, the "interior"
of the forest or heart. It is hardly a "by-form" of _nuptum_ as
Muss-Arnolt, _Assyrian Dictionary_, p. 690b, and others have supposed,
though _nu-um-tum_ in one passage quoted by Muss-Arnolt, _ib._ p. 705a,
may have arisen from an aspirate pronunciation of the _p_ in _nubtum_.
Line 215. The kneeling attitude of prayer is an interesting
touch. It symbolizes submission, as is shown by the description of
Gilgamesh's defeat in the encounter with Enkidu (Pennsylvania tablet,
l. 227), where Gilgamesh is represented as forced to "kneel" to the
ground. Again in the Assyrian version, Tablet V, 4, 6, Gilgamesh kneels
down (though the reading _ka-mis_ is not certain) and has a vision.
Line 229. It is much to be regretted that this line is so badly
preserved, for it would have enabled us definitely to restore the
opening line of the Assyrian version of the Gilgamesh Epic. The
fragment published by Jeremias in his appendix to his _Izdubar-Nimrod_,
Plate IV, gives us the end of the colophon line to the Epic, reading
......... _di ma-a-ti_ (cf. _ib._, Pl. I, 1. ... _a-ti_). Our text
evidently reproduces the same phrase and enables us to supply _ka_,
as well as the name of the hero Gish of which there are distinct
traces. The missing word, therefore, describes the hero as the
ruler, or controller of the land. But what are the two signs before
_ka_? A participial form from _pakâdu_, which one naturally thinks
of, is impossible because of the _ka_, and for the same reason one
cannot supply the word for shepherd (_nakidu_). One might think of
_ka-ak-ka-du_, except that _kakkadu_ is not used for "head" in the
sense of "chief" of the land. I venture to restore _[i-ik-]ka-di_,
"strong one." Our text at all events disposes of Haupt's conjecture
_is-di ma-a-ti_ (_JAOS_ 22, p. 11), "Bottom of the earth," as also of
Ungnad's proposed _[a-di pa]-a-ti_, "to the ends" (Ungnad-Gressmann,
_Gilgamesch-Epos_, p. 6, note), or a reading _di-ma-a-ti_,
"pillars." The first line of the Assyrian version would now read
_sá nak-ba i-mu-ru [d_Gis-gi(n)-mas i-ik-ka]-di ma-a-ti,
i.e., "The one who saw everything, Gilgamesh the strong one (?) of
the land."
We may at all events be quite certain that the name of the hero
occurred in the first line and that he was described by some epithet
indicating his superior position.
Lines 229-235 are again an address of Gilgamesh to the sun-god, after
having received a favorable "oracle" from the god (line 222). The
hero promises to honor and to celebrate the god, by erecting thrones
for him.
Lines 237-244 describe the arming of the hero by the "master"
craftsman. In addition to the _pasu_ and _patru_, the bow (?) and
quiver are given to him.
Line 249 is paralleled in the new fragment of the Assyrian version
published by King in _PSBA_ 1914, page 66 (col. 1, 2), except that
this fragment adds _gi-mir_ to _e-mu-ki-ka_.
Lines 251-252 correspond to column 1, 6-8, of King's fragment, with
interesting variations "battle" and "fight" instead of "way" and
"road," which show that in the interval between the old Babylonian and
the Assyrian version, the real reason why Enkidu should lead the way,
namely, because he knows the country in which Huwawa dwells (lines
252-253), was supplemented by describing Enkidu also as being more
experienced in battle than Gilgamesh.
Line 254. I am unable to furnish a satisfactory rendering for this
line, owing to the uncertainty of the word at the end. Can it be
"his household," from the stem which in Hebrew gives us MISEPOHOH
"family?"
Line 255. Is paralleled by col. 1, 4, of King's new fragment. The
episode of Gish and Enkidu proceeding to Ninsun, the mother of Gish,
to obtain her counsel, which follows in King's fragment, appears to
have been omitted in the old Babylonian version. Such an elaboration of
the tale is exactly what we should expect as it passed down the ages.
Line 257. Our text shows that _irnittu_ (lines 257, 264, 265) means
primarily "endeavor," and then success in one's endeavor, or "triumph."
Lines 266-270. Do not appear to refer to rites performed after a
victory, as might at a first glance appear, but merely voice the hope
that Gish will completely take possession of Huwawa's territory, so
as to wash up after the fight in Huwawa's own stream; and the hope
is also expressed that he may find pure water in Huwawa's land in
abundance, to offer a libation to Shamash.
Line 275. _On sú-pa-as-su_ = _supat-su_, see above, to l. 115.
[Note on Sabitum (above, p. 11)
In a communication before the Oriental Club of Philadelphia (Feb. 10,
1920), Prof. Haupt made the suggestion that _sa-bi-tum_ (or _tu_),
hitherto regarded as a proper name, is an epithet describing the
woman who dwells at the seashore which Gilgamesh in the course of his
wanderings reaches, as an "innkeeper". It is noticeable that the term
always appears without the determinative placed before proper names;
and since in the old Babylonian version (so far as preserved) and
in the Assyrian version, the determinative is invariably used, its
consistent absence in the case of _sabitum_ (Assyrian Version, Tablet
X, 1, 1, 10, 15, 20; 2, 15-16 [_sa-bit_]; Meissner fragment col. 2,
11-12) speaks in favor of Professor Haupt's suggestion. The meaning
"innkeeper", while not as yet found in Babylonian-Assyrian literature
is most plausible, since we have _sabu_ as a general name for 'drink',
though originally designating perhaps more specifically sesame wine
(Muss-Arnolt, Assyrian Dictionary, p. 745b) or distilled brandy,
according to Prof. Haupt. Similarly, in the Aramaic dialects, _se_bha
is used for "to drink" and in the Pael to "furnish drink". Muss-Arnolt
in his Assyrian Dictionary, 746b, has also recognized that _sabitum_
was originally an epithet and compares the Aramaic _se_bhoyâthâ(p1)
"barmaids". In view of the bad reputation of inns in ancient Babylonia
as brothels, it would be natural for an epithet like _sabitum_ to
become the equivalent to "public" women, just as the inn was a "public"
house. Sabitum would, therefore, have the same force as _samhatu_
(the "harlot"), used in the Gilgamesh Epic by the side of _harimtu_
"woman" (see the note to line 46 of Pennsylvania Tablet). The Sumerian
term for the female innkeeper is Sal Gestinna "the woman of the wine,"
known to us from the Hammurabi Code §§108-111. The bad reputation of
inns is confirmed by these statutes, for the house of the Sal Gestinna
is a gathering place for outlaws. The punishment of a female devotee
who enters the "house of a wine woman" (bît Sal Gestinna §110) is
death. It was not "prohibition" that prompted so severe a punishment,
but the recognition of the purpose for which a devotee would enter
such a house of ill repute. The speech of the _sabitum_ or innkeeper
to Gilgamesh (above, p. 12) was, therefore, an invitation to stay with
her, instead of seeking for life elsewhere. Viewed as coming from a
"public woman" the address becomes significant. The invitation would
be parallel to the temptation offered by the _harimtu_ in the first
tablet of the Enkidu, and to which Enkidu succumbs. The incident
in the tablet would, therefore, form a parallel in the adventures
of Gilgamesh to the one that originally belonged to the Enkidu
cycle. Finally, it is quite possible that _sabitum_ is actually the
Akkadian equivalent of the Sumerian Sal Gestinna, though naturally
until this equation is confirmed by a syllabary or by other direct
evidence, it remains a conjecture. See now also Albright's remarks
on Sabitum in the A. J. S. L. 36, pp. 269 _seq._]
CORRECTIONS TO THE TEXT OF LANGDON'S EDITION OF THE PENNSYLVANIA
TABLET. [157]
Column 1.
5. Read _it-lu-tim_ ("heroes") instead of _id-da-tim_ ("omens").
6. Read _ka-ka-bu_ instead of _ka-ka-'a_. This disposes of Langdon's
note 2 on p. 211.
9 Read _ú-ni-is-sú-ma_, "I became weak" (from _enêsu_, "weak") instead
of _ilam is-sú-ma_, "He bore a net"(!). This disposes of Langdon's
note 5 on page 211.
10. Read _Urukki_ instead of _ad-ki_. Langdon's note 7 is wrong.
12. Langdon's note 8 is wrong. _ú-um-mid-ma pu-ti_ does not mean
"he attained my front."
14. Read _ab-ba-la-ás-sú_ instead of _at-ba-la-ás-sú_.
15. Read _mu-di-a-at_ instead of _mu-u-da-a-at_.
20. Read _ta-ha-du_ instead of an impossible _[sa]-ah-ha-ta_--two
mistakes in one word. Supply _kima Sal_ before _tahadu_.
22. Read _ás-sú_ instead of _sú_; and at the end of the line read
_[tu-ut]-tu-ú-ma_ instead of _sú-ú-zu_.
23. Read _ta-tar-ra-[as-su]_.
24. Read _[us]-ti-nim-ma_ instead of _[is]-ti-lam-ma_.
28. Read at the beginning _sá_ instead of _ina_.
29. Langdon's text and transliteration of the first word do not
tally. Read _ha-as-si-nu_, just as in line 31.
32. Read _ah-ta-du_ ("I rejoiced") instead of _ah-ta-ta_.
Column 2.
4. Read at the end of the line _di-da-sá(?) ip-tí-[e]_ instead of
_Di-?-al-lu-un_ (!).
5. Supply _d_En-ki-du at the beginning. Traces point to this reading.
19. Read _[gi]-it-ma-[lu]_ after _d_Gis, as suggested by the Assyrian
version, Tablet I, 4, 38, where _emûku_ ("strength") replaces _nepistu_
of our text.
20. Read _at-[ta kima Sal ta-ha]-bu-[ub]-sú_.
21. Read _ta-[ra-am-sú ki-ma]_.
23. Read as one word _ma-a-ag-ri-i-im_ ("accursed"), spelled in
characteristic Hammurabi fashion, instead of dividing into two words
_ma-a-ak_ and _ri-i-im_, as Langdon does, who suggests as a translation
"unto the place yonder(?) of the shepherd"(!).
24. Read _im-ta-har_ instead of _im-ta-gar_.
32. Supply _ili_(?) after _ki-ma_.
33. Read _sá-ri-i-im_ as one word.
35. Read _i-na [ás]-ri-sú [im]-hu-ru_.
36. Traces at beginning point to either _ù_ or _ki_ (=
_itti_). Restoration of lines 36-39 (perhaps to be distributed into
five lines) on the basis of the Assyrian version, Tablet I, 4, 2-5.
Column 3.
14. Read _Kàs_ (= _sikaram_, "wine") _si-ti_, "drink," as in line 17,
instead of _bi-is-ti_, which leads Langdon to render this perfectly
simple line "of the conditions and the fate of the land"(!).
21. Read _it-tam-ru_ instead of _it-ta-bir-ru_.
22. Supply _[lù_Sú]-I.
29. Read _ú-gi-ir-ri_ from _garû_ ("attack), instead of separating into
_ú_ and _gi-ir-ri_, as Langdon does, who translates "and the lion." The
sign used can _never_ stand for the copula! Nor is _girru_, "lion!"
30. Read _Síbmes_, "shepherds," instead of _sab-[si]-es_!
31. _sib-ba-ri_ is not "mountain goat," nor can _ut-tap-pi-is_ mean
"capture." The first word means "dagger," and the second "he drew out."
33. Read _it-ti-[lu] na-ki-[di-e]_, instead of _itti immer nakie_
which yields no sense. Langdon's rendering, even on the basis of his
reading of the line, is a grammatical monstrosity.
35. Read _gis_ instead of _wa_.
37. Read perhaps _a-na [na-ki-di-e i]- za-ak-ki-ir_.
Column 4.
4. The first sign is clearly _iz_, not _ta_, as Langdon has it in
note 1 on page 216.
9. The fourth sign is _su_, not _sú_.
10. Separate _e-es_ ("why") from the following. Read _ta-hi-[il]_,
followed, perhaps, by _la_. The last sign is not certain; it may
be _ma_.
11. Read _lim-nu_ instead of _mi-nu_. In the same line read _a-la-ku
ma-na-ah-[ti]-ka_ instead of _a-la-ku-zu_(!) _na-ah ... ma_, which,
naturally, Langdon cannot translate.
16. Read _e-lu-tim_ instead of _pa-a-ta-tim_. The first sign of
the line, _tu_, is not certain, because apparently written over an
erasure. The second sign may be _a_. Some one has scratched the tablet
at this point.
18. Read _uk-la-at âli_ (?) instead of _ug-ad-ad-lil_, which gives
no possible sense!
Column 5.
2. Read _[wa]-ar-ki-sú_.
8. Read _i-ta-wa-a_ instead of _i-ta-me-a_. The word _pi-it-tam_
belongs to line 9! The sign _pi_ is unmistakable. This disposes of
note 1 on p. 218.
9. Read Mi = _salmu_, "image." This disposes of Langdon's note 2 on
page 218. Of six notes on this page, four are wrong.
11. The first sign appears to be _si_ and the second _ma_. At the
end we are perhaps to supply _[sá-ki-i pu]-uk-ku-ul_, on the basis
of the Assyrian version, Tablet IV, 2, 45, _sá-ki-i pu-[uk-ku-ul]_.
12. Traces at end of line suggest _i-pa(?)-ka-du_.
13. Read _i-[na mâti da-an e-mu]-ki i-wa_.
18. Read _ur-sá-nu_ instead of _ip-sá-nu_.
19. Read _i-sá-ru_ instead of _i-tu-ru_.
24. The reading _it-ti_ after _d_Gis is suggested by the traces.
25. Read _in-ni-[ib-bi-it]_ at the end of the line.
28. Read _ip-ta-ra-[as a-la]-ak-tam_ at the end of the line, as in
the Assyrian version, Tablet IV, 2, 37.
30. The conjectural restoration is based on the Assyrian version,
Tablet IV, 2, 36.
Column 6.
3. Read _i-na si-ri-[sú]_.
5. Supply _[il-li-ik]_.
21. Langdon's text has a superfluous _ga_.
22. Read _uz-za-sú_, "his anger," instead of _us-sa-sú_, "his javelin"
(!).
23. Read _i-ni-ih i-ra-as-su_, i.e., "his breast was quieted," in
the sense of "his anger was appeased."
31. Read _ri-es-ka_ instead of _ri-es-su_.
In general, it should be noted that the indications of the number of
lines missing at the bottom of columns 1-3 and at the top of columns
4-6 as given by Langdon are misleading. Nor should he have drawn
any lines at the bottom of columns 1-3 as though the tablet were
complete. Besides in very many cases the space indications of what
is missing within a line are inaccurate. Dr. Langdon also omitted to
copy the statement on the edge: _4 sú-si_, i.e., "240 lines;" and
in the colophon he mistranslates _sú-tu-ur_, "written," as though
from _satâru_, "write," whereas the form is the permansive III, 1,
of _atâru_, "to be in excess of." The sign _tu_ never has the value
_tu_! In all, Langdon has misread the text or mistransliterated it in
over forty places, and of the 204 preserved lines he has mistranslated
about one-half.
NOTES
[1] See for further details of this royal library, Jastrow,
_Civilization of Babylonia and Assyria_, p. 21 _seq_.
[2] _Das Babylonische Nimrodepos_ (Leipzig, 1884-1891), supplemented
by Haupt's article _Die Zwölfte Tafel des Babylonischen Nimrodepos_ in
_BA_ I, pp. 48-79, containing the fragments of the twelfth tablet. The
fragments of the Epic in Ashurbanapal's library--some sixty--represent
portions of several copies. Sin-likî-unnini--perhaps from Erech,
since this name appears as that of a family in tablets from Erech
(see Clay, _Legal Documents from Erech_, Index, p. 73)--is named in a
list of texts (K 9717--Haupt's edition No. 51, line 18) as the editor
of the Epic, though probably he was not the only compiler. Since the
publication of Haupt's edition, a few fragments were added by him
as an appendix to Alfred Jeremias _Izdubar-Nimrod_ (Leipzig, 1891)
Plates II-IV, and two more are embodied in Jensen's transliteration
of all the fragments in the _Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek_ VI;
pp. 116-265, with elaborate notes, pp. 421-531. Furthermore a
fragment, obtained from supplementary excavations at Kouyunjik,
has been published by L. W. King in his _Supplement to the Catalogue
of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British
Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum_
No. 56 and _PSBA_ Vol. 36, pp. 64-68. Recently a fragment of the 6th
tablet from the excavations at Assur has been published by Ebeling,
_Keilschrifttexte aus Assur Religiösen Inhalts_ No. 115, and one may
expect further portions to turn up.
The designation "Nimrod Epic" on the supposition that the hero of
the Babylonian Epic is identical with Nimrod, the "mighty hunter"
of Genesis 10, has now been generally abandoned, in the absence of
any evidence that the Babylonian hero bore a name like Nimrod. For
all that, the description of Nimrod as the "mighty hunter" and the
occurrence of a "hunter" in the Babylonian Epic (Assyrian version
Tablet I)--though he is not the hero--points to a confusion in
the Hebrew form of the borrowed tradition between Gilgamesh and
Nimrod. The latest French translation of the Epic is by Dhorme,
_Choix de Textes Religieux Assyro-Babyloniens_ (Paris, 1907),
pp. 182-325; the latest German translation by Ungnad-Gressmann,
_Das Gilgamesch-Epos_ (Göttingen, 1911), with a valuable analysis
and discussion. These two translations now supersede Jensen's
translation in the _Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek_, which, however,
is still valuable because of the detailed notes, containing a wealth
of lexicographical material. Ungnad also gave a partial translation in
Gressmann-Ranke, _Altorientalische Texte and Bilder_ I, pp. 39-61. In
English, we have translations of substantial portions by Muss-Arnolt
in Harper's _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_ (New York, 1901),
pp. 324-368; by Jastrow, _Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (Boston,
1898), Chap. XXIII; by Clay in _Light on the Old Testament from Babel_,
pp. 78-84; by Rogers in _Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament_,
pp. 80-103; and most recently by Jastrow in _Sacred Books and Early
Literature of the East_ (ed. C. F. Horne, New York, 1917), Vol. I,
pp. 187-220.
[3] See Luckenbill in _JAOS_, Vol. 37, p. 452 _seq._ Prof. Clay,
it should be added, clings to the older reading, Hammurabi, which is
retained in this volume.
[4] _ZA_, Vol. 14, pp. 277-292.
[5] The survivor of the Deluge is usually designated as Ut-napishtim
in the Epic, but in one passage (Assyrian version, Tablet XI, 196),
he is designated as Atra-hasis "the very wise one." Similarly, in
a second version of the Deluge story, also found in Ashurbanapal's
library (IV R2 additions, p. 9, line 11). The two names clearly
point to two versions, which in accordance with the manner of ancient
compositions were merged into one. See an article by Jastrow in _ZA_,
Vol. 13, pp. 288-301.
[6] Published by Scheil in _Recueil des Travaux_, etc. Vol. 20,
pp. 55-58.
[7] The text does not form part of the Gilgamesh Epic, as the colophon,
differing from the one attached to the Epic, shows.
[8] _Ein altbabylonisches Fragment des Gilgamosepos_ (_MVAG_ 1902,
No. 1).
[9] On these variant forms of the two names see the discussion below,
p. 24.
[10] The passage is paralleled by Ecc. 9, 7-9. See Jastrow, _A Gentle
Cynic_, p. 172 _seq._
[11] Among the Nippur tablets in the collection of the University
of Pennsylvania Museum. The fragment was published by Dr. Poebel in
his _Historical and Grammatical Texts_ No. 23. See also Poebel in the
_Museum Journal_, Vol. IV, p. 47, and an article by Dr. Langdon in the
same Journal, Vol. VII, pp. 178-181, though Langdon fails to credit
Dr. Poebel with the discovery and publication of the important tablet.
[12] No. 55 in Langdon's _Historical and Religious Texts from the
Temple Library of Nippur_ (Munich, 1914).
[13] No. 5 in his _Sumerian Liturgical Texts_. (Philadelphia, 1917)
[14] See on this name below, p. 23.
[15] See further below, p. 37 _seq_.
[16] See Poebel, _Historical and Grammatical Texts_, No. 1, and
Jastrow in _JAOS_, Vol. 36, pp. 122-131 and 274-299.
[17] See an article by Jastrow, _Sumerian and Akkadian Views of
Beginnings_ (_JAOS_ Vol. 36, pp. 274-299).
[18] See on this point Eduard Meyer, _Sumerier und Semiten in
Babylonien_ (Berlin, 1906), p. 107 _seq_., whose view is followed
in Jastrow, _Civilization of Babylonia and Assyria_, p. 121. See
also Clay, _Empire of the Amorites_ (Yale University Press, 1919),
p. 23 _et seq_.
[19] See the discussion below, p. 24 _seq_.
[20] Dr. Poebel published an article on the tablet in _OLZ_, 1914,
pp. 4-6, in which he called attention to the correct name for the
mother of Gilgamesh, which was settled by the tablet as Ninsun.
[21] _Historical Texts_ No. 2, Column 2, 26. See the discussion in
_Historical and Grammatical Texts_, p. 123, _seq._
[22] See Fostat in _OLZ_, 1915, p. 367.
[23] _Publications of the University of Pennsylvania Museum, Babylonian
Section_, Vol. X, No. 3 (Philadelphia, 1917). It is to be regretted
that Dr. Langdon should not have given full credit to Dr. Poebel for
his discovery of the tablet. He merely refers in an obscure footnote
to Dr. Poebel's having made a copy.
[24] E.g., in the very first note on page 211, and again in a note
on page 213.
[25] Dr. Langdon neglected to copy the signs _4 sú-si_ = 240 which
appear on the edge of the tablet. He also misunderstood the word
_sú-tu-ur_ in the colophon which he translated "written," taking
the word from a stem _satâru_, "write." The form _sú-tu-ur_ is III,
1, from _atâru_, "to be in excess of," and indicates, presumably,
that the text is a copy "enlarged" from an older original. See the
Commentary to the colophon, p. 86.
[26] _Museum Journal_, Vol. VIII, p. 29.
[27] See below, p. 23.
[28] I follow the enumeration of tablets, columns and lines in Jensen's
edition, though some fragments appear to have been placed by him in
a wrong position.
[29] According to Bezold's investigation, _Verbalsuffixformen als
Alterskriterien babylonisch-assyrischer Inschriften_ (Heidelberg
Akad. d. Wiss., Philos.-Histor. Klasse, 1910, 9te Abhandlung), the
bulk of the tablets in Ashurbanapal's library are copies of originals
dating from about 1500 B.C. It does not follow, however, that all
the copies date from originals of the same period. Bezold reaches
the conclusion on the basis of various forms for verbal suffixes,
that the fragments from the Ashurbanapal Library actually date from
three distinct periods ranging from before c. 1450 to c. 700 B.C.
[30] "Before thou comest from the mountain, Gilgamesh in Erech will
see thy dreams," after which the dreams are recounted by the woman
to Enkidu. The expression "thy dreams" means here "dreams about
thee." (Tablet I, 5, 23-24).
[31] Lines 100-101.
[32] In a paper read before the American Oriental Society at New Haven,
April 4, 1918.
[33] See the commentary to col. 4 of the Yale tablet for further
details.
[34] This is no doubt the correct reading of the three signs which
used to be read Iz-tu-bar or Gish-du-bar. The first sign has commonly
the value Gish, the second can be read Gin or Gi (Brünnow No. 11900)
and the third Mash as well as Bar. See Ungnad in Ungnad-Gressmann,
_Das Gilgamesch-Epos_, p. 76, and Poebel, _Historical and Grammatical
Texts_, p. 123.
[35] So also in Sumerian (Zimmern, _Sumerische Kultlieder aus
altbabylonischer Zeit_, No. 196, rev. 14 and 16.)
[36] The sign used, LUM (Brünnow No. 11183), could have the value hu
as well as hum.
[37] The addition "father-in-law of Moses" to the name Hobab b. Re'uel
in this passage must refer to Re'uel, and not to Hobab. In Judges 4,
11, the gloss "of the Bene Hobab, the father-in-law of Moses" must
be separated into two: (1) "Bene Hobab," and (2) "father-in-law of
Moses." The latter addition rests on an erroneous tradition, or is
intended as a brief reminder that Hobab is identical with the son
of Re'uel.
[38] See his _List of Personal Names from the Temple School of
Nippur_, p. 122. _Hu-um-ba-bi-tu_ and _si-kin hu-wa-wa_ also occur
in Omen Texts (_CT_ XXVII, 4, 8-9 = Pl. 3, 17 = Pl. 6, 3-4 = _CT_
XXVIII, 14, 12). The contrast to _huwawa_ is _ligru_, "dwarf" (_CT_
XXVII, 4, 12 and 14 = Pl. 6, 7.9 = Pl. 3, 19). See Jastrow, _Religion
Babyloniens und Assyriens_, II, p. 913, Note 7. Huwawa, therefore,
has the force of "monster."
[39] Ungnad-Gressmann, _Das Gilgamesch-Epos_, p. 111 _seq._
[40] Ungnad, 1. c. p. 77, called attention to this name, but failed
to draw the conclusion that Hu(m)baba therefore belongs to the West
and not to the East.
[41] First pointed out by Ungnad in _OLZ_ 1910, p. 306, on the basis
of _CT_ XVIII, 30, 10, where En-gi-dú appears in the column furnishing
_phonetic_ readings.
[42] See Clay _Amurru_, pp. 74, 129, etc.
[43] Tablet I, 2, 39-40; 3, 6-7 and 33-34; 4, 3-4.
[44] Tablet I, 2, 1 and IX, 2, 16. Note also the statement about
Gilgamesh that "his body is flesh of the gods" (Tablet IX, 2, 14; X,
1, 7).
[45] _BOR_ IV, p. 264.
[46] Lewin, _Die Scholien des Theodor bar Koni zur
Patriarchengeschichte_ (Berlin, 1905), p. 2. See Gressmann in
Ungnad-Gressmann, _Das Gilgamesch-Epos_, p. 83, who points out that
the first element of GLMGVS compared with the second of GMYGMVS gives
the exact form that we require, namely, Gilgamos.
[47] Tablet I, col. 2, is taken up with this episode.
[48] See Poebel, _Historical and Grammatical Texts_, p. 123.
[49] See Poebel, _Historical Texts_ No. 2, col. 2, 26.
[50] Hilprecht, _Old Babylonian Inscriptions_ I, 1 No. 26.
[51] Delitzsch, _Assyrische Lesestücke_, p. 88, VI, 2-3. Cf. also
_CT_ XXV, 28(K 7659) 3, where we must evidently supply [Esigga]-tuk,
for which in the following line we have again Gish-bil-ga-mesh as an
equivalent. See Meissner, _OLZ_ 1910, 99.
[52] See, e.g., Barton, _Haverford Collection_ II No. 27, Col. I,
14, etc.
[53] Deimel, _Pantheon Babylonicum_, p. 95.
[54] _CT_ XII, 50 (K 4359) obv. 17.
[55] See Barton, _Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing_, II,
p. 99 _seq._, for various explanations, though all centering around
the same idea of the picture of fire in some form.
[56] See the passages quoted by Poebel, _Historical and Grammatical
Texts_, p. 126.
[57] E.g., Genesis 4, 20, Jabal, "the father of tent-dwelling and
cattle holding;" Jubal (4, 21), "the father of harp and pipe striking."
[58] See particularly the plays (in the J. Document) upon the names of
the twelve sons of Jacob, which are brought forward either as tribal
characteristics, or as suggested by some incident or utterance by
the mother at the birth of each son.
[59] The designation is variously explained by Arabic writers. See
Beidhawi's _Commentary_ (ed. Fleischer), to Súra 18, 82.
[60] The writing Gish-gi-mash as an approach to the pronunciation
Gilgamesh would thus represent the beginning of the artificial process
which seeks to interpret the first syllable as "hero."
[61] See above, p. 27.
[62] Poebel, _Historical Texts_, p. 115 _seq_.
[63] Many years ago (_BA_ III, p. 376) I equated Etana with Ethan in
the Old Testament--therefore a West Semitic name.
[64] See Clay, _The Empire of the Amorites_, p. 80.
[65] Professor Clay strongly favors an Amoritic origin also
for Gilgamesh. His explanation of the name is set forth in his
recent work on _The Empire of the Amorites_, page 89, and is also
referred to in his work on _Amurru_, page 79, and in his volume
of _Miscellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale Babylonian Collection_,
page 3, note. According to Professor Clay the original form of the
hero's name was West Semitic, and was something like _Bilga-Mash_,
the meaning of which was perhaps "the offspring of Mash." For the
first element in this division of the name cf. Pilikam, the name of
a ruler of an early dynasty, and Balak of the Old Testament. In view
of the fact that the axe figures so prominently in the Epic as an
instrument wielded by Gilgamesh, Professor Clay furthermore thinks it
reasonable to assume that the name was interpreted by the Babylonian
scribe as "the axe of Mash." In this way he would account for the
use of the determinative for weapons, which is also the sign Gish,
in the name. It is certainly noteworthy that the ideogram Gish-Tún in
the later form of _Gish-Tún-mash_ = _pasu_, "axe," _CT_ XVI, 38:14b,
etc. _Tun_ also = _pilaku_ "axe," _CT_ xii, 10:34b. Names with similar
element (besides Pilikam) are Belaku of the Hammurabi period, Bilakku
of the Cassite period, etc.
It is only proper to add that Professor Jastrow assumes the
responsibility for the explanation of the form and etymology of the
name Gilgamesh proposed in this volume. The question is one in regard
to which legitimate differences of opinion will prevail among scholars
until through some chance a definite decision, one way or the other,
can be reached.
[66] _me-ih-rù_ (line 191).
[67] Tablet I, 5, 23. Cf. I, 3, 2 and 29.
[68] Tablet IV, 4, 7 and I, 5, 3.
[69] Assyrian version, Tablet II, 3b 34, in an address of Shamash
to Enkidu.
[70] So Assyrian version, Tablet VIII, 3, 11. Also supplied VIII, 5,
20 and 21; and X, 1, 46-47 and 5, 6-7.
[71] Tablet XII, 3, 25.
[72] Ward, _Seal Cylinders of Western Asia_, Chap. X, and the
same author's _Cylinders and other Ancient Oriental Seals_--Morgan
collection Nos. 19-50.
[73] E.g., Ward No. 192, Enkidu has human legs like Gilgamesh;
also No. 189, where it is difficult to say which is Gilgamesh, and
which is Enkidu. The clothed one is probably Gilgamesh, though not
infrequently Gilgamesh is also represented as nude, or merely with
a girdle around his waist.
[74] E.g., Ward, Nos. 173, 174, 190, 191, 195 as well as 189 and 192.
[75] On the other hand, in Ward Nos. 459 and 461, the conflict
between the two heroes is depicted with the heroes distinguished
in more conventional fashion, Enkidu having the hoofs of an animal,
and also with a varying arrangement of beard and hair.
[76] See Jastrow, _Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (Boston, 1898),
p. 468 _seq._
[77] Ungnad-Gressmann, _Das Gilgamesch-Epos_, p. 90 _seq._
[78] Pennsylvania tablet, l. 198 = Assyrian version, Tablet IV, 2, 37.
[79] "Enkidu blocked the gate" (Pennsylvania tablet, line 215) =
Assyrian version Tablet IV, 2, 46: "Enkidu interposed his foot at
the gate of the family house."
[80] Pennsylvania tablet, lines 218 and 224.
[81] Yale tablet, line 198; also to be supplied lines 13-14.
[82] Yale tablet, lines 190 and 191.
[83] _PSBA_ 1914, 65 _seq._ = Jensen III, 1a, 4-11, which can now be
completed and supplemented by the new fragment.
[84] I.e., Enkidu will save Gilgamesh.
[85] These two lines impress one as popular sayings--here applied
to Enkidu.
[86] King's fragment, col. I, 13-27, which now enables us to complete
Jensen III, 1a, 12-21.
[87] Yale tablet, lines 252-253.
[88] Yale tablet, lines 143-148 = Assyrian version, Tablet IV, 6,
26 _seq._
[89] Assyrian version, Tablet III, 2a, 13-14.
[90] Lines 215-222.
[91] Assyrian version, Tablet V, Columns 3-4. We have to assume that
in line 13 of column 4 (Jensen, p. 164), Enkidu takes up the thread
of conversation, as is shown by line 22: "Enkidu brought his dream
to him and spoke to Gilgamesh."
[92] Assyrian version, Tablet VI, lines 146-147.
[93] Lines 178-183.
[94] Lines 176-177.
[95] Tablet VII, Column 6.
[96] Assyrian version, Tablet VI, 200-203. These words are put into
the mouth of Gilgamesh (lines 198-199). It is, therefore, unlikely
that he would sing his own praise. Both Jensen and Ungnad admit that
Enkidu is to be supplied in at least one of the lines.
[97] Lines 109 and 112.
[98] Assyrian version, Tablet IX, 1, 8-9.
[99] Tablet VIII, 5, 2-6.
[100] So also Gressmann in Ungnad-Gressmann, _Das Gilgamesch-Epos_,
p. 97, regards Enkidu as the older figure.
[101] See Jastrow, _Adam and Eve in Babylonian Literature, AJSL_,
Vol. 15, pp. 193-214.
[102] Assyrian version, Tablet I, 2, 31-36.
[103] It will be recalled that Enkidu is always spoken of as "born
in the field."
[104] Note the repetition _ibtani_ "created" in line 33 of the "man
of Anu" and in line 35 of the offspring of Ninib. The creation of the
former is by the "heart," i.e., by the will of Aruru, the creation of
the latter is an act of moulding out of clay.
[105] Tablet I, Column 3.
[106] Following as usual the enumeration of lines in Jensen's edition.
[107] An analogy does not involve a dependence of one tale upon the
other, but merely that both rest on similar traditions, which _may_
have arisen independently.
[108] Note that the name of Eve is not mentioned till after the
fall (Genesis 3, 20). Before that she is merely _ishsha_, i.e.,
"woman," just as in the Babylonian tale the woman who guides Enkidu
is _harimtu_, "woman."
[109] "And he drank and became drunk" (Genesis 9, 21).
[110] "His heart became glad and his face shone" (Pennsylvania Tablet,
lines 100-101).
[111] That in the combination of this Enkidu with tales of primitive
man, inconsistent features should have been introduced, such as the
union of Enkidu with the woman as the beginning of a higher life,
whereas the presence of a hunter and his father shows that human
society was already in existence, is characteristic of folk-tales,
which are indifferent to details that may be contradictory to the
general setting of the story.
[112] Pennsylvania tablet, lines 102-104.
[113] Line 105.
[114] Tablet I, 1, 9. See also the reference to the wall of Erech as
an "old construction" of Gilgamesh, in the inscription of An-Am in
the days of Sin-gamil (Hilprecht, _Old Babylonian Inscriptions_, I,
No. 26.) Cf IV R2 52, 3, 53.
[115] The invariable designation in the Assyrian version as against
_Uruk ribîtim_, "Erech of the plazas," in the old Babylonian version.
[116] In Ungnad-Gressmann, _Das Gilgamesch-Epos_, p. 123 _seq._
[117] See Jensen, p. 266. Gilgamesh is addressed as "judge," as the
one who inspects the divisions of the earth, precisely as Shamash is
celebrated. In line 8 of the hymn in question, Gilgamesh is in fact
addressed as Shamash.
[118] The darkness is emphasized with each advance in the hero's
wanderings (Tablet IX, col. 5).
[119] This tale is again a nature myth, marking the change from the
dry to the rainy season. The Deluge is an annual occurrence in the
Euphrates Valley through the overflow of the two rivers. Only the
canal system, directing the overflow into the fields, changed the
curse into a blessing. In contrast to the Deluge, we have in the
Assyrian creation story the drying up of the primeval waters so
that the earth makes its appearance with the change from the rainy
to the dry season. The world is created in the spring, according to
the Akkadian view which is reflected in the Biblical creation story,
as related in the P. document. See Jastrow, _Sumerian and Akkadian
Views of Beginnings_ (_JAOS_, Vol 36, p. 295 seq.).
[120] As-am in Sumerian corresponding to the Akkadian Sabatu, which
conveys the idea of destruction.
[121] The month is known as the "Mission of Ishtar" in Sumerian, in
allusion to another nature myth which describes Ishtar's disappearance
from earth and her mission to the lower world.
[122] _Historical Texts_ No. 1. The Sumerian name of the survivor
is Zi-u-gíd-du or perhaps Zi-u-su-du (cf. King, _Legends of Babylon
and Egypt_, p. 65, note 4), signifying "He who lengthened the day of
life," i.e., the one of long life, of which Ut-napishtim ("Day of
Life") in the Assyrian version seems to be an abbreviated Akkadian
rendering, with the omission of the verb. So King's view, which is
here followed. See also _CT_ XVIII, 30, 9, and Langdon, _Sumerian Epic
of Paradise_, p. 90, who, however, enters upon further speculations
that are fanciful.
[123] See the translation in Ungnad-Gressmann, _Das Gilgamesch-Epos_,
pp. 69, _seq._ and 73.
[124] According to Professor Clay, quite certainly Amurru, just as
in the case of Enkidu.
[125] Gressmann in Ungnad-Gressmann, _Das Gilgamesch-Epos_, p. 100
_seq._ touches upon this _motif_, but fails to see the main point that
the companions are also twins or at least brothers. Hence such examples
as Abraham and Lot, David and Jonathan, Achilles and Patroclus,
Eteokles and Polyneikes, are not parallels to Gilgamesh-Enkidu, but
belong to the _enlargement_ of the _motif_ so as to include companions
who are _not_ regarded as brothers.
[126] Or Romus. See Rendell Harris, l. c., p. 59, note 2.
[127] One might also include the primeval pair Yama-Yami with their
equivalents in Iranian mythology (Carnoy, _Iranian Mythology_,
p. 294 _seq._).
[128] Becoming, however, a triad and later increased to
seven. Cf. Rendell Harris, l. c., p. 32.
[129] I am indebted to my friend, Professor A. J. Carnoy, of the
University of Louvain, for having kindly gathered and placed at my
disposal material on the "twin-brother" _motif_ from Indo-European
sources, supplemental to Rendell Harris' work.
[130] On the other hand, _Uruk mâtum_ for the district of Erech, i.e.,
the territory over which the city holds sway, appears in both versions
(Pennsylvania tablet, 1. 10 = Assyrian version I, 5, 36).
[131] "My likeness" (line 27). It should be noted, however, that
lines 32-44 of I, 5, in Jensen's edition are part of a fragment K 9245
(not published, but merely copied by Bezold and Johns, and placed at
Jensen's disposal), which may represent a _duplicate_ to I, 6, 23-34,
with which it agrees entirely except for one line, viz., line 34 of
K 9245 which is not found in column 6, 23-34. If this be correct,
then there is lacking after line 31 of column 5, the interpretation
of the dream given in the Pennsylvania tablet in lines 17-23.
[132] _ina sap-li-ki_, literally, "below thee," whereas in the old
Babylonian version we have _ana si-ri-ka_, "towards thee."
[133] Repeated I, 6, 28.
[134] _ul-tap-rid ki-is-su-sú-ma_. The verb is from _parâdu_,
"violent." For _kissu_, "strong," see _CT_ XVI, 25, 48-49. Langdon
(_Gilgamesh Epic_, p. 211, note 5) renders the phrase: "he shook his
murderous weapon!!"--another illustration of his haphazard way of
translating texts.
[135] Shown by the colophon (Jeremias, _Izdubar-Nimrod_, Plate IV.)
[136] Lines 42-43 must be taken as part of the narrative of the
compiler, who tells us that after the woman had informed Enkidu that
Gilgamesh already knew of Enkidu's coming through dreams interpreted
by Ninsun, Gilgamesh actually set out and encountered Enkidu.
[137] Tablet I, col. 4. See also above, p. 19.
[138] IV, 2, 44-50. The word _ullanum_, (l.43) "once" or "since,"
points to the following being a reference to a former recital, and
not an original recital.
[139] Only the lower half (Haupt's edition, p. 82) is preserved.
[140] "The eyes of Enkidu were filled with tears," corresponding to
IV, 4, 10.
[141] Unless indeed the number "seven" is a slip for the sign sa. See
the commentary to the line.
[142] I.e., paid homage to the meteor.
[143] I.e., the heroes of Erech raised me to my feet, or perhaps in
the sense of "supported me."
[144] I.e., Enkidu.
[145] I.e., "thy way of life."
[146] I.e., the man.
[147] I.e., an idiomatic phrase meaning "for all times."
[148] I.e., Enkidu became like Gish, godlike. Cf. col. 2, 11.
[149] He was thrown and therefore vanquished.
[150] Epithet given to Ninsun. See the commentary to the line.
[151] Scribal error for _an_.
[152] Text apparently _di_.
[153] Hardly _ul_.
[154] Omitted by scribe.
[155] _Kisti_ omitted by scribe.
[156] I.e., at night to thee, may Lugal-banda, etc.
[157] The enumeration here is according to Langdon's edition.
Plate 1
Plate 2
Plate 3
Plate 4
Plate 5
Plate 6
Plate 7
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